scholarly journals Non-fiction, fiction – or what? A discussion of genre in the writings of K. O. Viderø

2015 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Bergur Djurhuus Hansen

The writings of the Faroese author, pastor and Bible translator K.O. Viderø (1906­1991) trespass the border between fiction and non­ fiction and are difficult to define in relation to genre. A definition of genre is on the other hand crucial for the way we read them. K.O. Viderø wrote about himself and about travels, events and people, he experienced, but he did so in his own imaginative way. The article discusses relevant theories of genre and the problems connected to at final definition of K.O. Viderø“s writings. The publication <em>Á Suðurlandið </em>(1990) is analyzed and used as an example of how Viderø found it hard to adjust himself to the limitations of traditional genres and indirectly wrote about it. The article finally argues that most of the writings, where Viderø writes about himself, are to be read as literary travel writings.

2009 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 45-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irène Fenoglio

Abstract: Very little research has been devoted to the way in which the textual genetics approaches the manuscripts in the text processing. However the future of the genetics depends, partly, on the interest which one can carry to this new materiality of the manuscript. The notion of text, the concept of what text is, have they been changed, or at least modified by the use of text processing? To write a text is to elaborate a discourse in the form of an utterance and to record it. The order of the discourse, in other words, the semiotic (the linguistic recognizable) / semantic (the meaning expressed (uttered) in the discourse) ratio should in no way be modified by the use of text processing. What changes, on the other hand, it is the materialization of the paper support of the text and consequently the status of this materialization.


Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Emiliana De Blasio ◽  
Donatella Selva

Concepts such as emotional govern­ance, affective citizenship and trans­formational leadership point at the way governments are addressing the COVID-19 crisis from an emotional perspective. The study takes the Ital­ian and Spanish leaders as case stud­ies, analysing TV speeches, press con­ferences and parliamentary addresses, on the one hand, and Facebook posts, on the other hand. The results show that the two cases adopt different emotional repertoires, depending on the historical and cultural leanings but also on the style of leadership they embrace. This style reverberates in the relationship they seek to build with citizens to stimulate compliance with their decisions and in the use of Facebook to promote positive mes­sages and counter the spreading of misinformation. The article also shows how affective governance and style of leadership contribute to the normative definition of good and deviant citizens in critical historical junctures. In par­ticular, the diffusion of fake news (and not just their manufacturing) is de­picted as anti-patriotic and non-civic. We argue that the crisis has catalysed processes and trends that were al­ready at play, while at the same time defining a new trait of leadership in the ability to promote cross-genera­tional solidarity and sense of belong­ing beyond national boundaries. Keywords: citizenship, communica­tion, emotions, governance, leader­ship, solidarity.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Blanka Šulavíková

AbstractThe article poses three questions relating to the self-definition of philosophical counselling: 1. Is it an alternative to psychological and psychotherapeutic approaches? 2. What is the therapeutic nature of philosophical counselling? 3. Is it contemplation or critical reasoning? The first part introduces some examples of the concepts that sharply distinguish philosophical counselling from psychological and psychotherapeutic approaches. It also considers those that mix these different approaches. The second part deals with the question of whether or not philosophical counselling can be considered to be a therapy. Some philosophical counsellors work on the belief that there is a synchrony between modern philosophical counselling and the classical conception of philosophy as therapy. Many, however, are of the opinion that it is not possible to speak of it in terms of therapy. The third part gives examples of the way in which philosophical counselling is understood to be contemplation and on the other hand of those who employ approaches based on critical thinking in philosophical counselling.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Raphaela Tkotzyk

AbstractHeinrich von Kleist’s attitude toward the Catholic Church has produced two major positions in modern German literature. On one hand, there are those who understand Kleist simply as a church critic; on the other hand, there are those who consider Kleist’s attitude – and his alleged Kantian crisis and departure from all scholars – as supportive towards the Church. Die heilige Cäcilie precisely exemplifies this debate, because, depending on the way one reads the narrative, the text can be interpreted as an endorsement or as a criticism of the Church. However, the text can be read quite differently for yet, a third, alternative understanding: the element of music involved in Die heilige Cäcilie undermines a concrete definition of its position as well as a concrete statement regarding Kleist’s religious creed. Thereby, it serves as a tool to help the reader to make decisions in terms of religious beliefs and doctrines.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Ahani ◽  
Iraj Etessam ◽  
Seyed Gholamreza Islami

<p>Ornament has been present throughout the recorded history, revealing human's aspirations, reflections and imaginations. Correspondingly, the discussion of ornament has almost uninterruptedly been a major topic for architectural discourses; one which has led to the publication of several significant texts in which ornamental practices has been addressed from a variety of perspectives. An investigation into the key architectural texts however, reveals that the absence of a certain definition of ornament and its functions in architecture as well as the interchangeable use of the terms 'decoration' and ornament as synonyms, have always been a serious obstacle to reach a clear conception of ornament nature . In this regard, the present paper attempted to distinguish between 'ornament' and 'decoration' based on a comparative analysis of the scholars’ accounts and the way the terms were employed in the architectural texts. Results indicated that the aforementioned concepts can be distinguished by means of seven criteria including components, connection, reference source, role, field of application and reference mode. According to the most referred criteria, ornament is an essential part of architecture which creates a firm bonding with its carrier and often fulfills functions more than aesthetic one .It is mostly made up of transformed motifs and evokes natural forces that originate deeply beyond or within the body of building. Decoration on the other hand, is a pleasing arrangement of real things; a suggestion of the decorous which does not have a permanent connection with its carrier. It is also purely representational, due to its reference to external matters such as mythology, religion, history, or cultural practice.  </p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Kazım Yıldırım

The cultural environment of Ibn al-Arabi is in Andalusia, Spain today. There, on the one hand, Sufism, on the other hand, thinks like Ibn Bacce (Death.1138), Ibn Tufeyl (Death186), Ibn Rushd (Death.1198) and the knowledge and philosophy inherited by scholars, . Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240), that was the effect of all this; But more mystic (mystic) circles came out of the way. This work, written by Ibn al-Arabi's works (especially Futuhati Mekkiye), also contains a very small number of other relevant sources.


Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.


1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Katharine Worth

The Irish Literary Theatre, from which a new Irish theatre was to develop, came to birth at the very point when Ibsen was about to depart from the European theatrical scene. His last play, When We Dead Awaken, appeared in 1899, the year in which Yeats's The Countess Cathleen and Edward Martyn's The Heather Field were produced in Dublin. They were the first fruits of the resolve taken by the two playwrights, with Lady Gregory and George Moore, to ‘build up a Celtic and Irish school of dramatic literature’ and they offered decidedly different foretastes of what that ‘school’ might bring forth. Yeats declared himself an adherent of a poetic theatre that would use fantasy, vision and dream without regard for the limits set by the realistic convention. Martyn, on the other hand, was clearly following Ibsen in his careful observance of day-to-day probability. The central symbol of his play, the heather field, represents an obscure psychological process which might have received more ‘inward’ treatment. But instead it is fitted into a pattern of social activities in something like the way of the prosaically functional but symbolic orphanage in Ghosts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Phillip Andrew Davis

Abstract Despite the popular notion of Marcion’s outright rejection of the Jewish Scriptures, his gospel draws on those Scriptures not infrequently. While this might appear inconsistent with Marcion’s theological thought, a pattern is evident in the way his gospel uses Scripture: On the one hand, Marcion’s gospel includes few of the direct, marked quotations of Scripture known from canonical Luke, and in none of those cases does Jesus himself fulfill Scripture. On the other hand, Marcion’s gospel includes more frequent indirect allusions to Scripture, several of which imply Jesus’ fulfillment of scriptural prophecy. This pattern suggests a Marcionite redaction of Luke whereby problematic marked quotes were omitted, while allusions were found less troublesome or simply overlooked due to their implicit nature.


2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 363-398

Abstract The Roman father and son of the same name, P. Decius Mus, became paragon heroes by deliberately giving their lives in battle that Rome might win over a fierce enemy. Both engaged in a special ritual called devotio (from which our word “devotion” derives) to offer themselves to the gods of the Underworld, with whom regular people have very little interaction and to whom they rarely sacrifice. While the Mus family is the most famous for this act, it turns out the willingness to sacrifice oneself for Rome frequently occurs within stories of great patriots, including the story of Horatius Cocles, Mettius Curtius, Atilius Regulus, and even the traitors Coriolanus and Tarpeia. Romans regarded self-sacrifice as a very high, noble endeavor, whereas they loathed and persecuted practitioners of human sacrifice. It is therefore quite amazing to read that the Romans thrice engaged in state-sponsored human sacrifice, a fact they rarely mention and generally forget. The most famous enemy practitioners of human sacrifice were the Druids, whom the Romans massacred on Mona Island on Midsummer Night's Eve, but the Carthaginians, the Germans, the Celts, and the Thracians all infamously practiced human sacrifice. To Romans, the act of human sacrifice falls just short of cannibalism in the spectrum of forbidden practices, and was an accusation occasionally thrown against an enemy to claim they are totally barbaric. On the other hand, Romans recognized their own who committed acts of self-sacrifice for the good of the society, as heroes. There can be no better patriot than he who gives his life to save his country. Often the stories of their heroism have been exaggerated or sanitized. These acts of heroism often turn out to be acts of human sacrifice, supposedly a crime. It turns out that Romans have a strong legacy of practicing human sacrifice that lasts into the historic era, despite their alleged opposition to it. Numerous sources relate one story each. Collecting them all makes it impossible to deny the longevity of human sacrifice in Rome, although most Romans under the emperors were probably unaware of it. The paradox of condemning but still practicing human sacrifice demonstrates the nature of Roman religion, where do ut des plays a crucial role in standard sacrifice as well as in unpleasant acts like human sacrifice. Devotio was an inverted form of sacrifice, precisely because it was an offering to the gods of the Underworld, rather than to Jupiter or the Parcae. Romans may have forsaken devotio, but they continued to practice human sacrifice far longer than most of us have suspected, if one widens the current narrow definition of human sacrifice to include events where a life is taken in order to bring about a better future for the commonwealth, appease the gods, or ensure a Roman victory in battle.


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