O PARTIDO CONSERVADOR NA PROVáNCIA DO PARANá: composição social, conflitos internos e transição de comando polá­tico em dois diretórios partidários (Curitiba e Paranaguá, 1876-1879)

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 38-64
Author(s):  
SANDRO ARAMIS RICHTER GOMES

Neste artigo é empreendida uma abordagem acerca da estrutura interna do Partido Conservador do Paraná, no recorte temporal que abarca os anos de 1876 e 1879. Compete salientar que as notá­cias publicadas pelo jornal O Paranaense concentram informações sobre as divergências polá­ticas que, á  época, existiam entre os diretórios conservadores de Curitiba, situada no primeiro planalto da prová­ncia, e de Paranaguá, localizada no litoral. Primeiramente, são analisadas as diferenças concernentes á  hierarquização dos diretórios da capital e do litoral. Demonstra-se que o diretório de Curitiba era mais propenso a incorporar e a conferir posições de liderança a indivá­duos não originários do Paraná. Em seguida, será evidenciado que o diretório de Paranaguá era mais refratário a tal absorção. Nesse municá­pio, o controle dos esquemas partidários era gerido pelos negociantes ervateiros e pelos seus descendentes que possuá­am formação jurá­dica.Palavras-chave: Diretórios partidários. Divergências polá­ticas. Lideranças regionais.THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY IN THE PROVINCE OF PARANá: social composition, internal conflicts and transition of political leadership in two party directories (Curitiba and Paranaguá, 1876-1879)Abastract: In this article it is undertaken an approach about the internal structure of the Conservative Party of Paraná, in the time period that covers the years of 1876 and 1879. In this context, it will be shown that the news published by the newspaper ”O Paranaense” reunite information about political divergences that, in that time, took place among conservative directories of Curitiba, located on the first high plateau province, and Paranagua”™s set at the coastside. At first, there will be analyzed the differences concerning the capital and the coast directory hierarchicalization. It is demonstrated that the Curitiba directory was more likely to incorporate and give leadership positions to individuals not originated from province of Parana. Next, it will be emphasized that the Paranaguá directory was more refractory to such absorption. In this municipality, the control of party schemes was managed by yerba mate dealers and their descendants who had legal training.Keywords: Directories parties. Political divergences. Regional leaderships.  EL PARTIDO CONSERVADOR EN LA PROVINCIA DE PARANá: composición social, conflictos internos y transición de liderazgo polá­tico en dos directorios partidarios (Curitiba y Paranaguá, 1876-1879)Resumen: En este artá­culo se toma un enfoque acerca de la estructura interna de la del Partido Conservador de Paraná, entre los años de 1876 y 1879. En este marco, se demostrará que la noticia publicada por el periódico O Paranaense concentra información sobre las diferencias polá­ticas entre los directorios conservadores de Curitiba, ubicada en la provincia meseta, y Paranaguá, situada en la costa. En el siguiente paso, que analizan las diferencias en cuanto a la jerarquá­a de directorios de la capital y la costa. El directorio de Curitiba era más probable dar puestos de liderazgo a las personas que no sean originarios del Paraná. Es evidente que el directorio de Paranaguá fue más refractario a tal absorción, por lo que en este municipio, el control de los regá­menes de partido fue manejado por los distribuidores de yerba mate y sus descendientes, que tená­an formación jurá­dica.Palabras clave: Diferencias polá­ticas. Directorios partidarios. Lá­deres regionales.

Author(s):  
Hassina Bashir ◽  
Muhammad Ayub Jan

This paper addresses the critical aspects of women’s political leadership in Pashtun society. The primary questions under investigation are; whether Nasim Wali Khan acquired political leadership skills and if she did, how she utilized these skills to accomplish her political objectives? We intend to see how familial political apprenticeship as well as career progression, enabled Nasim Wali to attain and retain leadership positions successfully? We do so mostly with the help of analyzing primary data collected through in-depth interviews of Nasim Wali Khan, her family members, political workers, journalists, and academicians to comprehend to support our argument. This study highlights the qualities bestowed with and acquired by Nasim Wali Khan to attain a leadership position within a political party. The study argues that by developing her political skills, such as political acumen, eloquence, political   astuteness, efficient   decision   making, confidence, and social astuteness, etc., Nasim Wali auspiciously engraved a political constituency in an otherwise patriarchal Pukhtun population. In such a way the paper explains the critical odyssey of Nasim Wali Khan in the uncertain sphere of politics.


Author(s):  
Clara Kulich ◽  
Michelle K. Ryan

A wealth of research has previously shown that gender stereotypes and discrimination keep women from climbing the corporate ladder. However, women who do break through the “glass ceiling” are likely to face new barriers. Research on the glass cliff phenomenon shows that, when women reach positions of power, they tend to do so in circumstances of crisis and instability. A number of archival, experimental, and qualitative studies have demonstrated that women are more likely to rise in the professional hierarchy in difficult, and for these women, potentially harmful, situations. For example, compared to their male peers, women are seen as more desirable for managerial or political leadership positions in times of instability and crises, or following scandals. Such appointments expose women to a higher risk of failure, criticism, and psychological distress, thus a danger of falling off an “invisible” cliff.


Hawwa ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Norshahril Saat

AbstractThis article examines the position of the Malay religious elite towards the idea of women as leaders. Based on an analysis of the writings and sermons of a sample of the religious elite, the article concludes that they continue to be of the view that gender roles in modern society are ‘fixed’, ‘divine’, and ‘unquestionable’. By exploring Mohammed Arkoun’s concept of the ‘unthinkable’, I argue that the notion that women are unfit for top political leadership positions, by virtue of their gender, results from a parochial attitude towards traditions relating to women’s role in society and from a general failure to re-evaluate traditions in the light of the modern-day context. By traditions here, I refer not only to the hadiths (recorded sayings of the Prophet Mohammad), but also compilations of Qurʾanic exegesis (tafsīr) and juristic opinions (fatāwā, s. fatwa) passed down from one generation to another in the last 1,400 years of Islamic history. The article also explores how the religious elite’s views of gender equality might be reformed—it suggests that they need to be challenged with alternative discourses in order to transform their attitude towards religious sources from one that is unquestioning to one that is more questioning.


Author(s):  
Bill Emmott

In many countries women have made more rapid advances in politics than in other fields, but not in Japan where family dynasties and conservative party rules have slowed their progress. However in the Governor of Tokyo, Koike Yuriko, and the Mayor of Yokohama, Hayashi Fumiko, are two women who have bucked the trend and are providing inspiration for younger generations. Koike-san came from a successful background in journalism while Hayashi-san was a rare businesswoman in her generation of the 1970s and 1980s, reaching leadership positions in several auto sales firms. Political journalism provided Kuniya Hiroko with her means of making an impact, holding politicians to account on her long-running show on the public broadcaster, NHK, Close Up Gendai.


Author(s):  
Arina M. Sbitneva

The article uses the methods of participant observation and ethnographic interviews. The purpose of the article is to study the social composition, internal structure and activity of the historical reconstruction clubs (HRC), using the example of the clubs in Moscow and the Moscow Region specialized in the early Middle Ages, to analyze the key to the successful existence of such clubs and the reasons for their collapse. Most of the HRC exist for no more than 5–7 years. Nevertheless, in Russia there are clubs that have “lived” for 25–30 years.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Laura Hobson de Herlihy

Este artículo se centra en la situación actual de las mujeres indígenas y afrodescendientes  y la participación política y su acceso a puestos de liderazgo. La investigación exploró el proceso desde el cual las mujeres miskitu y kriol en Nicaragua han catapultado posiciones de liderazgo en el grupo matrilocal en altos cargos políticos. Los datos recogidos en Bilwi-Puerto Cabezas demuestra que mujeres las miskitu y kriol lideresas en los últimos 30 años han accedido a puestos de liderazgo político a través de su participación con la Iglesia Morava, la revolución sandinista, y después de 1990 las organizaciones de desarrollo. Estas etapas de empoderamiento pueden combinarse para favorecer el liderazgo de mujeres.SummaryThis article focuses on the current situation of indigenous and afrodescendant women, their political participation and access to leadership posts. The research explored the process from which the Miskitu and Creole women in Nicaragua have catapulted leadership positions in the matrilocal group in high political posts. Data collected in Bilwi-Puerto Cabezas shows that Miskitu and Creole women leaders, in the past 30 years have had access to political leadership positions through their involvement with the Moravian Church, the Sandinista revolution, and after 1990 due to the development organizations. These stages of empowerment can be combined to promote women leadership.


Author(s):  
Eyüp Aygün Tayşir ◽  

This study aims to rewrite the history of the establishment period of Hamidiye Trade School without overlooking its internal structure, but, at the same time, by giving importance to the global context of the time period that had an impact on the formation of the internal structure. Hamidiye Trade School, which was a higher education institute, was founded by Abdülhamid II in 1882/83 in Istanbul and it has been subjected to several changes during its history. Today, it continues its academic activities under the name of Marmara University, in Istanbul. Preliminary findings suggest that although agency shaped the organizational formation of Hamidiye Trade School in the beginning, later, during the nationalism period with Young Turks, a new mission was appointed to the school and this new mission has institutionalized by blurring the original establishment story of the school. In this process, non-Muslim agents who established the school were muted.


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