Pathways to Political Empowerment: An Examination of Factors That Enable Women to Access Political Leadership Positions in Kenya

2019 ◽  
pp. 337-351
Author(s):  
Lanoi Maloiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Political Empowerment

scholarly journals Political apprenticeship and women leadership in a patriarchal society: Nasim Wali Khan’s political struggle through acquired skills

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 320-337
Author(s):  
Hassina Bashir ◽  
Muhammad Ayub Jan
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Skills ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Her Family ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Critical Aspects ◽  
Do So

This paper addresses the critical aspects of women’s political leadership in Pashtun society. The primary questions under investigation are; whether Nasim Wali Khan acquired political leadership skills and if she did, how she utilized these skills to accomplish her political objectives? We intend to see how familial political apprenticeship as well as career progression, enabled Nasim Wali to attain and retain leadership positions successfully? We do so mostly with the help of analyzing primary data collected through in-depth interviews of Nasim Wali Khan, her family members, political workers, journalists, and academicians to comprehend to support our argument. This study highlights the qualities bestowed with and acquired by Nasim Wali Khan to attain a leadership position within a political party. The study argues that by developing her political skills, such as political acumen, eloquence, political   astuteness, efficient   decision   making, confidence, and social astuteness, etc., Nasim Wali auspiciously engraved a political constituency in an otherwise patriarchal Pukhtun population. In such a way the paper explains the critical odyssey of Nasim Wali Khan in the uncertain sphere of politics.

The Glass Cliff

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Kulich ◽  
Michelle K. Ryan
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Distress ◽  
Glass Ceiling ◽  
Gender Stereotypes ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Qualitative Studies ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Risk Of Failure ◽  
Glass Cliff ◽  
Do So

A wealth of research has previously shown that gender stereotypes and discrimination keep women from climbing the corporate ladder. However, women who do break through the “glass ceiling” are likely to face new barriers. Research on the glass cliff phenomenon shows that, when women reach positions of power, they tend to do so in circumstances of crisis and instability. A number of archival, experimental, and qualitative studies have demonstrated that women are more likely to rise in the professional hierarchy in difficult, and for these women, potentially harmful, situations. For example, compared to their male peers, women are seen as more desirable for managerial or political leadership positions in times of instability and crises, or following scandals. Such appointments expose women to a higher risk of failure, criticism, and psychological distress, thus a danger of falling off an “invisible” cliff.

Malay Women Leaders in Malaysia: The Unthinkable?

Hawwa ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Norshahril Saat
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Women Leaders ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Women's Role ◽  
Alternative Discourses

AbstractThis article examines the position of the Malay religious elite towards the idea of women as leaders. Based on an analysis of the writings and sermons of a sample of the religious elite, the article concludes that they continue to be of the view that gender roles in modern society are ‘fixed’, ‘divine’, and ‘unquestionable’. By exploring Mohammed Arkoun’s concept of the ‘unthinkable’, I argue that the notion that women are unfit for top political leadership positions, by virtue of their gender, results from a parochial attitude towards traditions relating to women’s role in society and from a general failure to re-evaluate traditions in the light of the modern-day context. By traditions here, I refer not only to the hadiths (recorded sayings of the Prophet Mohammad), but also compilations of Qurʾanic exegesis (tafsīr) and juristic opinions (fatāwā, s. fatwa) passed down from one generation to another in the last 1,400 years of Islamic history. The article also explores how the religious elite’s views of gender equality might be reformed—it suggests that they need to be challenged with alternative discourses in order to transform their attitude towards religious sources from one that is unquestioning to one that is more questioning.

scholarly journals Mujeres Levantándose con la Iglesia Morava, la guerra y los ONGs

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Laura Hobson de Herlihy
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Women Leaders ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Sandinista Revolution ◽  
Development Organizations ◽  
Moravian Church ◽  
Las Mujeres

Este artículo se centra en la situación actual de las mujeres indígenas y afrodescendientes  y la participación política y su acceso a puestos de liderazgo. La investigación exploró el proceso desde el cual las mujeres miskitu y kriol en Nicaragua han catapultado posiciones de liderazgo en el grupo matrilocal en altos cargos políticos. Los datos recogidos en Bilwi-Puerto Cabezas demuestra que mujeres las miskitu y kriol lideresas en los últimos 30 años han accedido a puestos de liderazgo político a través de su participación con la Iglesia Morava, la revolución sandinista, y después de 1990 las organizaciones de desarrollo. Estas etapas de empoderamiento pueden combinarse para favorecer el liderazgo de mujeres.SummaryThis article focuses on the current situation of indigenous and afrodescendant women, their political participation and access to leadership posts. The research explored the process from which the Miskitu and Creole women in Nicaragua have catapulted leadership positions in the matrilocal group in high political posts. Data collected in Bilwi-Puerto Cabezas shows that Miskitu and Creole women leaders, in the past 30 years have had access to political leadership positions through their involvement with the Moravian Church, the Sandinista revolution, and after 1990 due to the development organizations. These stages of empowerment can be combined to promote women leadership.

scholarly journals Rereading Amos 7:8–17 in the context of the ‘professional’ prophets in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Favour C. Uroko ◽  
Solomon Enobong
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Church History ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Financial Gain ◽  
Bad Leadership ◽  
Financial Gains

Examining the prophetic commission in Amos 7:8–17, this article argues that it points towards complete repudiation and disdain for the office of the professional prophets in Israel. This anger of Yahweh against Amaziah, his wife and his children for his role in King Jeroboam’s II bad leadership in Israel were analysed in relation to contemporary professional prophesying in Nigeria. Just like the ancient Israelite society, most Nigerian priests and prophets are interested in prophesying for financial gain from those in leadership positions. This is why most of their prophecies are not geared towards reprimanding political leaders concerning their actions. Instead, the professional prophets conspire against any priest or prophet who tends to speak the truth. It was concluded that for Nigeria to achieve the needed development, priests and prophets should not engage in prophecy for material gain.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The research on Amos 7:8–17 in the context of the ‘professional’ prophets in Nigeria is based on the current prophesying for financial gains that are rampant amongst priests and members of the clergy in Nigeria. They never warn political leaders against their wrong actions. It was discovered that most of these prophecies are geared towards gaining inordinate favours, political and financial inducements from those in political leadership. Disciplines implicated include Sociology, Church history and Dogmatics.

scholarly journals Patriarchy and Women’s Political Leadership Position in Nigeria: Issues, Challenges and Prospects

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chidi Slessor Mbah ◽  
Everistus Osy Oti
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Hierarchical Organization ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Full Potential ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Stringent Constraint ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Economic

Women worldwide, face discrimination, subordination, exploitation and relegation in several spheres of life. It has been observed that this discrimination against women is more pronounced in the developing African countries of the world. In Nigeria, womanhood is reduced to mere tool in the hands of men and seen as only being relevant in the kitchen. This has brought about tremendous misrepresentation of women right at the level of the family down to the circular society. Nigeria is patriarchal in nature and this is a major feature of a traditional society. Patriarchy is a broad network or system of hierarchical organization that cuts across political, economic, social etc, under which the overwhelming number of upper positions in society are controlled and dominated by men. In the modern world where women go ahead by their merit, patriarchy creates obstacles for women to go forward in the society. It has been adjudged that women constitute about half of the population of Nigerian, yet there is inherently a pronounced level of under representation of women in political leadership positions when compared with their male counterparts. This paper attempts to x-ray the conceptual clarification of patriarchy, origin of patriarchy, theoretical underpin, causes for the discrimination of women in Nigeria and as well proffer practical solutions to this situation. This paper therefore, argues that if Nigeria and the world in general are to benefit from women’s full potential, the constant dilemma and stringent constraint on women must be removed.

Examining and contextualising Kenya’s Maendeleo ya Wanawake Organisation (MYWO) through an African feminist lens

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Namatsi Lutomia ◽  
Brenda Nyandiko Sanya ◽  
Dorothy Owino Rombo
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Female Genital Cutting ◽  
Rite Of Passage ◽  
Economic Assistance ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Status ◽  
Kenyan Women ◽  
Genital Cutting

In this chapter, the authors apply African feminist lenses to evaluate the activities of the Maendeleo ya Wanawake Organisation to determine its role in the emancipation of Kenyan women. Maendeleo has gone through difficult periods based on social, cultural, and identity politics within the organisation as well as in response to the shifting national political landscape. However, despite these challenges and contradictions, Maendeleo has been a conduit for elite women to attain political leadership positions, has provided economic assistance to women in some regions, developed a programme for eradicating female genital cutting while sustaining the rite of passage in the eastern province, participated in international conferences and played social and political roles in changing the status of Kenyan women’s rights. Still, the extent to which Maendeleo has achieved emancipation for women is negligible.

Ist der Mitgliederschwund der Parteien wirklich irreversibel? Überlegungen zur Rekrutierungs- und Repräsentationsfähigkeit von Parteien

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-231
Author(s):  
Ingrid Reichart-Dreyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Organisational Structure ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
The People ◽  
Party Members ◽  
City States ◽  
Different Levels

Parties link the society with the state . It is their task to recruit members, integrate and train them for taking over leadership positions at different levels . Since 1990 the parties in (unified) Germany lose members . Does this prevent them from fulfilling their functions for the parliamentary democracy? The analysis detects differences between the Länder: Indeed, the capability of parties to recruit members increases with the number of officeholders in local and regional councils and state parliaments . Big cities and the so-called city-states (Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen) reduce the chances for political participation . Where the organisational structure of public administration was reformed the number of local and regional councillors sank and - with some delay - also the number of party members . Are the remarkable differences in the capability of the parties to recruit members a reflection of their internal organisation? Do the structures that are formally laid down in the party statutes influence how opinions are formed and majorities are found? How does the linkage between officeholders and their party - which is necessary for political leadership - work? Do the parties communicate to the people why it pays to get engaged? The differences found between the parties indicate how the capacity for recruiting members can be improved .

O PARTIDO CONSERVADOR NA PROVáNCIA DO PARANá: composição social, conflitos internos e transição de comando polá­tico em dois diretórios partidários (Curitiba e Paranaguá, 1876-1879)

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 38-64
Author(s):  
SANDRO ARAMIS RICHTER GOMES
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Yerba Mate ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
High Plateau ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Social Composition ◽  
Time Period

Neste artigo é empreendida uma abordagem acerca da estrutura interna do Partido Conservador do Paraná, no recorte temporal que abarca os anos de 1876 e 1879. Compete salientar que as notá­cias publicadas pelo jornal O Paranaense concentram informações sobre as divergências polá­ticas que, á  época, existiam entre os diretórios conservadores de Curitiba, situada no primeiro planalto da prová­ncia, e de Paranaguá, localizada no litoral. Primeiramente, são analisadas as diferenças concernentes á  hierarquização dos diretórios da capital e do litoral. Demonstra-se que o diretório de Curitiba era mais propenso a incorporar e a conferir posições de liderança a indivá­duos não originários do Paraná. Em seguida, será evidenciado que o diretório de Paranaguá era mais refratário a tal absorção. Nesse municá­pio, o controle dos esquemas partidários era gerido pelos negociantes ervateiros e pelos seus descendentes que possuá­am formação jurá­dica.Palavras-chave: Diretórios partidários. Divergências polá­ticas. Lideranças regionais.THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY IN THE PROVINCE OF PARANá: social composition, internal conflicts and transition of political leadership in two party directories (Curitiba and Paranaguá, 1876-1879)Abastract: In this article it is undertaken an approach about the internal structure of the Conservative Party of Paraná, in the time period that covers the years of 1876 and 1879. In this context, it will be shown that the news published by the newspaper ”O Paranaense” reunite information about political divergences that, in that time, took place among conservative directories of Curitiba, located on the first high plateau province, and Paranagua”™s set at the coastside. At first, there will be analyzed the differences concerning the capital and the coast directory hierarchicalization. It is demonstrated that the Curitiba directory was more likely to incorporate and give leadership positions to individuals not originated from province of Parana. Next, it will be emphasized that the Paranaguá directory was more refractory to such absorption. In this municipality, the control of party schemes was managed by yerba mate dealers and their descendants who had legal training.Keywords: Directories parties. Political divergences. Regional leaderships.  EL PARTIDO CONSERVADOR EN LA PROVINCIA DE PARANá: composición social, conflictos internos y transición de liderazgo polá­tico en dos directorios partidarios (Curitiba y Paranaguá, 1876-1879)Resumen: En este artá­culo se toma un enfoque acerca de la estructura interna de la del Partido Conservador de Paraná, entre los años de 1876 y 1879. En este marco, se demostrará que la noticia publicada por el periódico O Paranaense concentra información sobre las diferencias polá­ticas entre los directorios conservadores de Curitiba, ubicada en la provincia meseta, y Paranaguá, situada en la costa. En el siguiente paso, que analizan las diferencias en cuanto a la jerarquá­a de directorios de la capital y la costa. El directorio de Curitiba era más probable dar puestos de liderazgo a las personas que no sean originarios del Paraná. Es evidente que el directorio de Paranaguá fue más refractario a tal absorción, por lo que en este municipio, el control de los regá­menes de partido fue manejado por los distribuidores de yerba mate y sus descendientes, que tená­an formación jurá­dica.Palabras clave: Diferencias polá­ticas. Directorios partidarios. Lá­deres regionales.

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