FARMACOPEA POLáTICA: una etnografá­a del antiprohibicionismo y de la lucha por la liberación de la marihuana en Colombia

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (24) ◽  
pp. 228-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDRÉS GÓNGORA

Resumen:  El artá­culo sintetiza los resultados del trabajo etnográfico desarrollado con el movimiento cannabico de Colombia entre los años 2013 y 2017. En la primera parte, se muestra como la prohibición de las drogas en el paá­s surgió como un arreglo sanitario, moral y económico para monopolizar la producción de medicamentos y venenos. Se argumenta que el conocimiento sobre la relación entre las personas y el  pharmakon, desarrollado principalmente por expertos en seguridad pública, economá­a polá­tica y saberes  psi,  desconoce sistemáticamente la agencia polá­tica de los consumidores y pequeños productores de drogas. En la segunda parte, siguiendo la historia de la marihuana y sus defensores, se describe la lucha para  liberar  a la planta y permitir que ingrese de nuevo a los terrenos de la embriaguez tolerada, los remedios y la industria.Palabras clave:  Pharmakon.  Marihuana. Prohibicionismo.FARMACOPEIA POLáTICA:  uma etnografia do antiproibicionismo e da luta pela libertação da maconha na Colômbia  Resumo:  Neste artigo apresenta-se os resultados da pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida com o movimento cannabico da Colômbia entre os anos 2013 e 2017. Na primeira parte, mostra-se como naquele paá­s a proibição das drogas surgiu como um arranjo sanitário, moral e econômico para monopolizar a produção de remédios e venenos. Argumenta-se que o conhecimento sobre a relação entre as pessoas e o  pharmakon,  desenvolvido principalmente por especialistas em segurança pública, economia polá­tica e saberes  psi, desconhece sistematicamente a agência polá­tica dos usuários e pequenos produtores de drogas. Na segunda parte, indo atrás da história da maconha e seus defensores, descreve-se a luta para  libertar  a planta e fazer com que ingresse novamente aos terrenos da embriaguez tolerada, os remédios e a indústria.Palavras-chave:  Pharmakon.  Maconha. Proibicionismo.POLICY  PHARMACOPEIA:  an ethnography of anti-prohibitionism and the struggle for the liberation of marijuana in Colombia  Abstract:  This article presents the results of the ethnographic research developed with the cannabis movement of Colombia between the years 2013 and 2017. Firstly, it is shown how in that country, drug prohibition emerged as a sanitary, moral and economic arrangement to monopolize the production of medicines and poisons. It is argued that knowledge about the relationship between people and  pharmakon, developed mainly by specialists in public security, political economy and  psi    knowledge, systematically ignores the political agency of users and small drug producers. Secondly, searching the history of marijuana and its advocates, it describes the struggle to free the plant and get it back into the grounds of tolerated drunkenness, the medicine and industry.Keywords:  Pharmakon. Marijuana. Prohibitionism.  PHARMACOPÉE POLITIQUE: une ethnographie de l”™antiprohibitionnisme et de la lutte pour la libération du cannabis en Colombie  Résumé: Cet article mobilise les résultats d”™une recherche ethnographique réalisée avec le mouvement cannabique colombien entre 2013 et 2017. Dans la premiá¨re partie, on montre comment, dans ce pays la prohibition des drogues a émergé á  partir d”™un arrangement sanitaire, moral et économique destiné á  monopoliser la production des remá¨des et poisons. On affirme que la connaissance produite autour du rapport entre les personnes et le  pharmakon, développée principalement par des spécialistes en sécurité publique, économie politique et savoirs psy, ignore systématiquement l”™expertise politique des usagers et des petits producteurs de drogues. Dans la deuxiá¨me partie, en suivant l”™histoire du cannabis et de ses défenseurs, on décrit la lutte pour  libérer  la plante et pour la réintégrer á  nouveau dans les champs de l”™ivresse tolérée, des médicaments et de l”™industrie.Mots-clés:  Pharmakon. Cannabis. Prohibitionnisme.

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-499
Author(s):  
Destin Jenkins

This essay revisits Making the Second Ghetto to consider what Arnold Hirsch argued about the relationship between race, money, and the ghetto. It explores how Hirsch’s analysis of this relationship was at once consistent with those penned by other urban historians and distinct from those interested in the political economy of the ghetto. Although moneymaking was hardly the main focus, Hirsch’s engagement with “Vampire” rental agencies and panic peddlers laid the groundwork for an analysis that treats the post–World War II metropolis as a crucial node in the history of racial capitalism. Finally, this essay offers a way to connect local forms of violence to the kinds of constraints imposed by financiers far removed from the city itself.


1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. C. McCaskie

The fundamental reasoning underlying this paper is that, in seeking to advance our understanding of the material basis of political power in pre-colonial African polities, particular attention must be paid to the detailed reconstruction over time of the triumviral relationship between office, land and subjects. Acknowledgement is freely made of the fact that, for many (if not most) areas of Africa, this type of reconstruction is either exceptionally difficult or frankly impossible. This paper is concerned with the West African forest kingdom of Asante (Ghana) – a case evincing considerable institutional continuity and structural vigour, and one, moreover, sufficiently richly documented to permit the type and level of reconstruction posited. Specifically, and taking into account the substantial body of research already carried out on the general political history of Asante, this paper deals with patterns of authority over land and subjects as evidenced by the offices contained within the Manwere – one of the ten administrative/military fekuo of Kumase. The Manwere was created by Asantehene Kwaku Dua Panin (1834–67), and in seeking to account for the political imperatives underlying the foundation, the paper explores the context of the reign and the biography and career of the first Manwerehene, Kwasi Brantuo. Particular attention is paid throughout to the way in which the relationship between office, land and subjects within the Manwere was modified or otherwise altered by the nature of the political vicissitudes through which the Asante polity passed in the period between – broadly – the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. Underlying the paper, and supplying context to its conclusions, is a general consideration of the philosophy of the Asante ethic concerning such matters as wealth and accumulation, the nature of authority, and the conceptualization of citizenship.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088541222096991
Author(s):  
Alejandro N. Garay-Huamán ◽  
Clara Irazábal-Zurita

This article critically reviews the literature on the relationship between global capitalist accumulation and placemaking and community building of Latinos in Kansas City. We use the social structure of accumulation (SSA) framework to analyze connections between these bodies of scholarship to provide a socio-spatial history of Latinos in Kansas City. We identify three SSAs: a monopolistic SSA (1870s–1930s), a Keynesian SSA (1940s–1970s), and a neoliberal SSA (1980s–present). Our findings show the impacts of each SSA on Latino communities in Kansas City. They also show the agency, flexibility, and resilience of these communities as they faced daunting challenges.


2019 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Viktor A. Popov

Deep comprehension of the advanced economic theory, the talent of lecturer enforced by the outstanding working ability forwarded Vladimir Geleznoff scarcely at the end of his thirties to prepare the publication of “The essays of the political economy” (1898). The subsequent publishing success (8 editions in Russia, the 1918­-year edition in Germany) sufficiently demonstrates that Geleznoff well succeded in meeting the intellectual inquiry of the cross­road epoch of the Russian history and by that taking the worthful place in the history of economic thought in Russia. Being an acknowledged historian of science V. Geleznoff was the first and up to now one of the few to demonstrate the worldwide community of economists the theoretically saturated view of Russian economic thought in its most fruitful period (end of XIX — first quarter of XX century).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 374-395
Author(s):  
Rafael Ignacio Estrada Mejia ◽  
Carla Guerrón Guerron Montero

This article aims to decrease the cultural invisibility of the wealthy by exploring the Brazilian emergent elites and their preferred living arrangement: elitist closed condominiums (BECCs) from a micropolitical perspective.  We answer the question: What is the relationship between intimacy and subjectivity that is produced in the collective mode of existence of BECCs? To do so, we trace the history of the elite home, from the master’s house (casa grande) to contemporary closed condominiums. Following, we discuss the features of closed condominiums as spaces of segregation, fragmentation and social distinction, characterized by minimal public life and an internalized sociability. Finally, based on ethnographic research conducted in the mid-size city of Londrina (state of Paraná) between 2015 and 2017, we concentrate on four members of the emergent elite who live in BECCs, addressing their collective production of subjectivity. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.


Author(s):  
Ralph Henham

This chapter argues that the relationship between penal policy and the political economy provides important insights into the political and institutional reforms required to minimize harsh and discriminatory penal policies. However, the capacity of sentencing policy to engage with this social reality in a meaningful way necessitates a recasting of penal ideology. To realize this objective requires a profound understanding of sentencing’s social value and significance for citizens. The greatest challenge then lies in establishing coherent links between penal ideology and practice to encourage forms of sentencing that are sensitive to changes in social value. The chapter concludes by explaining how the present approach taken by the courts of England and Wales to the sentencing of women exacerbates social exclusion and reinforces existing divisions in social morality. It urges fundamental changes in ideology and practice so that policy reflects a socially valued rationale for the criminalization and punishment of women.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1142-1161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shira Zilberstein

Standard narratives on the relationship between art and urban development detail art networks as connected to sources of dominant economic, social, and cultural capital and complicit in gentrification trends. This research challenges the conventional model by investigating the relationship between grassroots art spaces, tied to marginal and local groups, and the political economy of development in the Chicago neighborhood of Pilsen. Using mixed methods, I investigate Do–It–Yourself and Latinx artists to understand the construction and goals of grassroots art organizations. Through their engagements with cultural representations, space and time, grassroots artists represent and amplify the interests of marginal actors. By allying with residents, community organizations and other art spaces, grassroots artists form a social movement to redefine the goals and usages of urban space. My findings indicate that heterogeneous art networks exist and grassroots art networks can influence urban space in opposition to top–down development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
Sarah M Hughes

Many accounts of resistance within systems of migration control pivot upon a coherent migrant subject, one that is imbued with political agency and posited as oppositional to particular forms of sovereign power. Drawing upon ethnographic research into the role of creativity within the UK asylum system, I argue that grounding resistance with a stable, coherent and agentic subject, aligns with oppositional narratives (of power vs resistance), and thereby risks negating the entangled politics of the (in)coherence of subject formation, and how this can contain the potential to disrupt, disturb or interrupt the practices and premise of the UK asylum system. I suggest that charity groups and subjects should not be written out of narratives of resistance apriori because they engage with ‘the state’: firstly, because to argue that there is a particular form that resistance should take is to place limits around what counts as the political; and secondly, because to ‘remain oppositional’ is at odds with an (in)coherent subject. I show how accounts which highlight a messy and ambiguous subjectivity, could be bought into understandings of resistance. This is important because as academics, we too participate in the delineation of the political and what counts as resistance. In predetermining what subjects, and forms of political action count as resistance we risk denying recognition to those within this system.


1983 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amechi Okolo

This paper traces the history of the relationship between Africa and the West since their first contact brought about by the outward thrust of the West, under the impetus of rising capitalism, in search of cheap labour and cheap raw material for its industries and expanding markets for its industrial products, both of which could be better ensured through domination and exploitation. The paper identifies five successive stages that African political economy has passed through under the impact of this relationship, each phase qualitatively different from the other but all having the common characteristic of domination-dependence syndrome, and each phase having been dictated by the dynamics of capitalism in different eras and by the dominant forces in the changing international system. Its finding is that the way to the latest stage, the dependency phase, was paved by the progressive proletarianization of the African peoples and the maintenance of an international peonage system. It ends by indicating the direction in which Africa can make a beginning to break out of dependency and achieve liberation.


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