Home, Sweet Home: Negotiating Intimacy in Brazilian Elitist Closed Condominiums

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 374-395
Author(s):  
Rafael Ignacio Estrada Mejia ◽  
Carla Guerrón Guerron Montero

This article aims to decrease the cultural invisibility of the wealthy by exploring the Brazilian emergent elites and their preferred living arrangement: elitist closed condominiums (BECCs) from a micropolitical perspective.  We answer the question: What is the relationship between intimacy and subjectivity that is produced in the collective mode of existence of BECCs? To do so, we trace the history of the elite home, from the master’s house (casa grande) to contemporary closed condominiums. Following, we discuss the features of closed condominiums as spaces of segregation, fragmentation and social distinction, characterized by minimal public life and an internalized sociability. Finally, based on ethnographic research conducted in the mid-size city of Londrina (state of Paraná) between 2015 and 2017, we concentrate on four members of the emergent elite who live in BECCs, addressing their collective production of subjectivity. 

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhibin Xie

Abstract This article reviews the discourses on public theology in the Chinese context and examines the traditional Chinese understanding of the term ‘public’, the tradition of public theology in China, and the specific issues facing a public theology in the Chinese context. It highlights the problems that surround a governmental-dominated public, the identity of social organizations, and the theological character of political entanglement when Christianity seeks to engage in public life in China. These problems shape the development of public theology in the Chinese setting as well as its prospective contribution to the global discourse on public theology. It also examines the tension that sometimes arises surrounding the relationship between the two substantive terms—public and theological. It seeks to demonstrate how to be public and theological at one and the same time—and, do so, with special reference to its implications in the Chinese context.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Eberhardt

The recent resurgence of interest in the anthropology of morality has been accompanied by repeated calls to disentangle the moral from the cultural. The conflation of these domains is seen as a hindrance to further advancement in developing a theory of morality and is frequently blamed on the persistent influence of Durkheim’s powerful conception of society as the ultimate moral authority. In this essay, I explore the contrasting views of one of Durkheim’s contemporaries, the psychologist Jean Piaget, and consider their relevance for understanding the relationship between culture and morality. To do so, I draw on ethnographic research on moral development and culture acquisition conducted with Shan children and adults in northwest Thailand. Based on this research, I suggest that indigenous concepts of personhood, agency, and human development are intrinsic to any formulation of morality, and that they provide an entry point for culturally sensitive anthropological investigations of moral discourse.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Bullion

The effects of the intense personal and political relationship between the young George III and his “dearest friend,” the earl of Bute, are well known to scholars of eighteenth-century Britain. The prince's affection and respect raised Bute, an obscure though well-connected Scottish nobleman, to the highest offices of state and to the absolute pinnacle of power. The earl's instruction and advice governed George's reactions to men and measures from 1755 until 1763. Even after Bute's influence waned following his resignation as First Lord of the Treasury, the lingering suspicions at Whitehall and Westminster that the king still listened to him in preference to others complicated relations between George III, his ministers, and Parliament.This article examines the origins of the friendship between the king and the earl, and the features of it that strengthened and preserved their attachment during the 1750s. These are questions that have not engaged the attention of many students of the period. The long shadow the relationship cast over politics during the 1760s has intrigued far more historians than its beginnings. They have been content to leave efforts to understand that subject to Sir Lewis Namier, who was inclined toward making psychological judgments of eighteenth-century politicians, and John Brooke, who was compelled to do so by the demands of writing a biography of George III. Both of these men asserted that the personal and affectionate aspects of the connection between the prince and Bute far outweighed the political and ideological during its early years. Their arguments have evidently convinced historians of politics to pass over what made Bute “my dearest friend” and press on to matters they assumed to be more relevant to their interests. The concern of this essay is to demonstrate that this assumption is incorrect. It will show that political and ideological considerations were in fact utterly crucial to this friendship at its inception and throughout its development during the 1750s, with consequences which profoundly affected the political history of the first decade of George III's reign. A mistaken reliance on works by Namier and Brooke has prevented scholars from perceiving these realities. Thus it is necessary to begin by pointing out the serious flaws in their interpretations.


2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Roemer

AbstractI present briefly G. A. Cohen’s theory of distributive justice, discuss the relationship that I think he believed held between human nature and justice, and offer thoughts on the feasibility of Cohenesque justice, or Cohenesque socialism. I introduce the idea of Kantian equilibrium, as a way of explaining how people cooperate. Expanding the domain of activities in which humans cooperate will, I believe, go a long way towards achieving Cohenesque socialism, and the history of human society suggests it is feasible to do so.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Driscoll ◽  
Liam Grealy

This article examines the relationship between exceptionalism and nationhood in media classification. The history of age-ratings is an international one, and the present challenges associated with digital media circulation are similarly international. We argue that the nation nevertheless provides an appropriate frame for understanding age-rating by attending to the ways national agencies have struggled to articulate the specificity of their work based on the specificity of domestic constituencies. Drawing on archival and ethnographic research, our central examples include the resistance of the Motion Picture Association of America to age-based film classification, the British Board of Film Classification’s examination of American films in the 1980s, contemporary Japanese videogame regulation, and the emergence of the International Age Rating Coalition. We argue that national exceptionalism is itself generalised and that media content regulation is less about producing national culture than about laying claim to a nation by differentiation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-97
Author(s):  
Shazamanov Sh. I. ◽  

The article analyzes the status and history of the Uzbek language in Central Asia, the relationship with foreign languages, the state policy in the development of the Uzbek language, the impact of Russian phrases on Uzbek speech. The article is the result of practical observations of the Uzbek language in public life. The article is important in terms of studying the phrases learned from the Russian language in the Uzbek spoken language. Issues related to it are among the most studied articles in Uzbek sociolinguistics. In this regard, some of the points raised in the article may be controversial


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samson W. Lim

A cursory examination of the Thai press reveals two things: A history of censorship, at times violently repressive, and sensational content centered on crime news. Reporters, editors, and publishers have been threatened, intimidated, and murdered in an effort to control the print media while front pages are filled with stories of violent crime and gory photographs. This paper explores both these forms of violence, censorship and crime news, to understand the relationship between the two. It argues that the prevalence of the latter—sensationalism—has resulted in part from the former, a historical process of increasingly murderous repression. So while the form and content of the print media in Thailand, as elsewhere, follow the financial imperatives of the market and reflect trends in current events, they do so within a framework of legal, professional, and informal relationships established over time with seemingly unrelated institutions, including the police.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (24) ◽  
pp. 228-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDRÉS GÓNGORA

Resumen:  El artá­culo sintetiza los resultados del trabajo etnográfico desarrollado con el movimiento cannabico de Colombia entre los años 2013 y 2017. En la primera parte, se muestra como la prohibición de las drogas en el paá­s surgió como un arreglo sanitario, moral y económico para monopolizar la producción de medicamentos y venenos. Se argumenta que el conocimiento sobre la relación entre las personas y el  pharmakon, desarrollado principalmente por expertos en seguridad pública, economá­a polá­tica y saberes  psi,  desconoce sistemáticamente la agencia polá­tica de los consumidores y pequeños productores de drogas. En la segunda parte, siguiendo la historia de la marihuana y sus defensores, se describe la lucha para  liberar  a la planta y permitir que ingrese de nuevo a los terrenos de la embriaguez tolerada, los remedios y la industria.Palabras clave:  Pharmakon.  Marihuana. Prohibicionismo.FARMACOPEIA POLáTICA:  uma etnografia do antiproibicionismo e da luta pela libertação da maconha na Colômbia  Resumo:  Neste artigo apresenta-se os resultados da pesquisa etnográfica desenvolvida com o movimento cannabico da Colômbia entre os anos 2013 e 2017. Na primeira parte, mostra-se como naquele paá­s a proibição das drogas surgiu como um arranjo sanitário, moral e econômico para monopolizar a produção de remédios e venenos. Argumenta-se que o conhecimento sobre a relação entre as pessoas e o  pharmakon,  desenvolvido principalmente por especialistas em segurança pública, economia polá­tica e saberes  psi, desconhece sistematicamente a agência polá­tica dos usuários e pequenos produtores de drogas. Na segunda parte, indo atrás da história da maconha e seus defensores, descreve-se a luta para  libertar  a planta e fazer com que ingresse novamente aos terrenos da embriaguez tolerada, os remédios e a indústria.Palavras-chave:  Pharmakon.  Maconha. Proibicionismo.POLICY  PHARMACOPEIA:  an ethnography of anti-prohibitionism and the struggle for the liberation of marijuana in Colombia  Abstract:  This article presents the results of the ethnographic research developed with the cannabis movement of Colombia between the years 2013 and 2017. Firstly, it is shown how in that country, drug prohibition emerged as a sanitary, moral and economic arrangement to monopolize the production of medicines and poisons. It is argued that knowledge about the relationship between people and  pharmakon, developed mainly by specialists in public security, political economy and  psi    knowledge, systematically ignores the political agency of users and small drug producers. Secondly, searching the history of marijuana and its advocates, it describes the struggle to free the plant and get it back into the grounds of tolerated drunkenness, the medicine and industry.Keywords:  Pharmakon. Marijuana. Prohibitionism.  PHARMACOPÉE POLITIQUE: une ethnographie de l”™antiprohibitionnisme et de la lutte pour la libération du cannabis en Colombie  Résumé: Cet article mobilise les résultats d”™une recherche ethnographique réalisée avec le mouvement cannabique colombien entre 2013 et 2017. Dans la premiá¨re partie, on montre comment, dans ce pays la prohibition des drogues a émergé á  partir d”™un arrangement sanitaire, moral et économique destiné á  monopoliser la production des remá¨des et poisons. On affirme que la connaissance produite autour du rapport entre les personnes et le  pharmakon, développée principalement par des spécialistes en sécurité publique, économie politique et savoirs psy, ignore systématiquement l”™expertise politique des usagers et des petits producteurs de drogues. Dans la deuxiá¨me partie, en suivant l”™histoire du cannabis et de ses défenseurs, on décrit la lutte pour  libérer  la plante et pour la réintégrer á  nouveau dans les champs de l”™ivresse tolérée, des médicaments et de l”™industrie.Mots-clés:  Pharmakon. Cannabis. Prohibitionnisme.


Paleobiology ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 146-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Oliver

The Mesozoic-Cenozoic coral Order Scleractinia has been suggested to have originated or evolved (1) by direct descent from the Paleozoic Order Rugosa or (2) by the development of a skeleton in members of one of the anemone groups that probably have existed throughout Phanerozoic time. In spite of much work on the subject, advocates of the direct descent hypothesis have failed to find convincing evidence of this relationship. Critical points are:(1) Rugosan septal insertion is serial; Scleractinian insertion is cyclic; no intermediate stages have been demonstrated. Apparent intermediates are Scleractinia having bilateral cyclic insertion or teratological Rugosa.(2) There is convincing evidence that the skeletons of many Rugosa were calcitic and none are known to be or to have been aragonitic. In contrast, the skeletons of all living Scleractinia are aragonitic and there is evidence that fossil Scleractinia were aragonitic also. The mineralogic difference is almost certainly due to intrinsic biologic factors.(3) No early Triassic corals of either group are known. This fact is not compelling (by itself) but is important in connection with points 1 and 2, because, given direct descent, both changes took place during this only stage in the history of the two groups in which there are no known corals.


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