scholarly journals The Relationship Between Economic Freedom And Income Equality In The United States

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen L Webster
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Income Distribution ◽  
Economic Freedom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us States ◽  
Income Equality ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Fraser Institute ◽  
The Relationship

While considerable research in the past has focused on the socioeconomic impact of economic freedom on economic growth among nations, less emphasis has been devoted to the relationship between economic sovereignty and income equality. This is particularly true when the area of focus has been restricted to comparisons among states within the United States. Furthermore, what work has been offered comparing US states has proven to be contradictory. Certain studies reviewed in this paper suggest that higher measures of economic freedom are associated with greater income inequality. On the other hand, evidence exists that less inequality is found in areas with greater economic autonomy. This study uses the Gini Index as measures of income distribution. The Fraser Institute in Vancouver, Canada offers well-respected measures of economic freedom among the US states and the provinces of Canada. These data are used to further examine relationships between state levels of economic freedom and income distribution with the intent to offer some general consensus regarding this all-important association.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

The Riddle of a Common History

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
The United States ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
Recent History ◽  
History Textbook ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Constant Part ◽  
Intrinsic Component

By identifying two general issues in recent history textbook controversies worldwide (oblivion and inclusion), this article examines understandings of the United States in Mexico's history textbooks (especially those of 1992) as a means to test the limits of historical imagining between U. S. and Mexican historiographies. Drawing lessons from recent European and Indian historiographical debates, the article argues that many of the historical clashes between the nationalist historiographies of Mexico and the United States could be taught as series of unsolved enigmas, ironies, and contradictions in the midst of a central enigma: the persistence of two nationalist historiographies incapable of contemplating their common ground. The article maintains that lo mexicano has been a constant part of the past and present of the US, and lo gringo an intrinsic component of Mexico's history. The di erences in their historical tracks have been made into monumental ontological oppositions, which are in fact two tracks—often overlapping—of the same and shared con ictual and complex experience.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Slow Pace ◽  
Centre Of Gravity ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Economic Interaction ◽  
The Asymmetry ◽  
The Relationship

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.

scholarly journals I am smart, therefore I can: examining the relationship between IQ and self-efficacy across cultures

2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diomaris E.S. Jurecska ◽  
Chloe E. Lee ◽  
Kelly B.T. Chang ◽  
Elizabeth Sequeira
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Central America ◽  
Self Efficacy ◽  
School Administrators ◽  
The United States ◽  
Female Students ◽  
Intellectual Abilities ◽  
The Us ◽  
Iq Scores ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between intelligence (IQ) and self-efficacy in children and adolescents living in the United States and Nicaragua. The sample consisted of 90 (46 male, 44 female) students (mean age=11.57 years, SD=3.0 years) referred by school administrators and faculty. United States (US) participants (n=27) resided in rural counties in the Northwest. The other group consisted of 63 students from Central America. A comparison between groups revealed that in the US, sample higher grades and IQ scores are typically associated with higher levels of self-efficacy. However in the Nicaraguan sample, both IQ scores and grades were not associated with self-efficacy, although age was correlated with self-efficacy. Results suggest that the construct of self-efficacy might change depending on whether one belongs to an individualistic or collectivistic society. Additionally, the effects of socioeconomic factors might influence perceived ability even more than intellectual abilities.

scholarly journals The Legal Status of Election Officials in the State of Montana

Legal Concept ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 137-144
Author(s):  
Alexey Szydlowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Full Description ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Us States ◽  
American Federation ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us

Introduction: the election law of the US states to date remains insufficiently studied not only in Russia but also abroad. This is due to the fact that the legal regulation of the electoral process in America is attributed to the powers of the states or municipalities, depending on the legal doctrine applied by the state – Cooley Doctrine or Dillon Rule, which objectively imposes a limit on its study and generalization. The purpose of the study is to acquaint a wide range of scientific community with the latest research in the field of the US election law in regard to the first in the domestic law full description of the organizers of elections and referendums at the state and municipal levels in the United States. The author reviews a wide range of regional and local legislation with references to the constitutional, legal and regulatory acts of the US States. The paper is part of a series that explores all fifty subjects of the American Federation and the District of Columbia. Procedure and methods of research: the author analyzes the constitutional and electoral legislation of the United States at the level of Montana at the beginning of 2019. The methodology of the study was the comparative law, formal-legal, formal-dogmatic, specific-sociological, empirical, dialectical, analytical methods, the systematic approach. Results: the information about the organizers of elections and referendums in Montana, which was not previously covered in the Russian scientific literature, is introduced into scientific circulation. The interpretations of certain provisions of the law and legal consciousness of the U.S election law and law enforcement practice are given. The gaps of the legislation requiring additional research are surfaced. The theoretical and practical significance lies in the generalization of both the established and the latest legal sources (constitutions, organic laws, federal laws, charters, by-laws and regulations) of the United States and the subject of the American Federation and the development of proposals for the enrichment of the Russian science and the formation of objective understanding of the processes taking place in the United States in the field of constitutional, electoral law and the state-building. Conclusions: for a systematic and comparative legal analysis the author proposed the review of the legislation on the organizers of elections and referendums of Montana, revealing the existing contradictions, from the point of view of the Russian researcher, which allows considering the full range of elements of the electoral legislation of Montana from a new angle, seeing new legal structures, previously unknown to the domestic statesmen and law enforcers.

scholarly journals Fungicide Sensitivity of U.S. Genotypes of Phytophthora infestans to Six Oomycete-Targeted Compounds

Plant Disease ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 659-666 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Saville ◽  
Kim Graham ◽  
Niklaus J. Grünwald ◽  
Kevin Myers ◽  
William E. Fry ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Phytophthora Infestans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Effective Concentration ◽  
Response Curves ◽  
Baseline Sensitivity ◽  
Fungicide Sensitivity ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us

Phytophthora infestans causes potato late blight, an important and costly disease of potato and tomato crops. Seven clonal lineages of P. infestans identified recently in the United States were tested for baseline sensitivity to six oomycete-targeted fungicides. A subset of the dominant lineages (n = 45) collected between 2004 and 2012 was tested in vitro on media amended with a range of concentrations of either azoxystrobin, cyazofamid, cymoxanil, fluopicolide, mandipropamid, or mefenoxam. Dose-response curves and values for the effective concentration at which 50% of growth was suppressed were calculated for each isolate. The US-8 and US-11 clonal lineages were insensitive to mefenoxam while the US-20, US-21, US-22, US-23, and US-24 clonal lineages were sensitive to mefenoxam. Insensitivity to azoxystrobin, cyazofamid, cymoxanil, fluopicolide, or mandipropamid was not detected within any lineage. Thus, current U.S. populations of P. infestans remained sensitive to mefenoxam during the displacement of the US-22 lineage by US-23 over the past 5 years.

Population Issues and Reproductive Politics

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rickie Solinger
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Reproductive Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
United States Today ◽  
The Us

What is the state of population growth in the United States today, and how is it affected by immigration? According to the 2010 census, the US population has grown 9.7 percent (adding about 27 million people, including about 13 million immigrants) during the past...

scholarly journals Complex Network Analysis of the Contiguous United States Graph

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natarajan Meghanathan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Dominating Set ◽  
Maximal Clique ◽  
The United States ◽  
Clustering Coefficient ◽  
Network Graph ◽  
Central State ◽  
Us States ◽  
Centrality Metrics ◽  
The Us

We model the contiguous states (48 states and the District of Columbia) of the United States (US) as an undirected network graph with each state represented as a node and there is an edge between two nodes if the corresponding two states share a common border. We determine a ranking of the states in the US with respect to a suite of node-level metrics: the centrality metrics (degree, eigenvector, betweenness and closeness), eccentricity, maximal clique size, and local clustering coefficient. We propose a normalization-based approach to obtain a comprehensive centrality ranking of the vertices (that is most likely to be tie-free) encompassing the normalized values of the four centrality metrics. We have applied the proposed normalization-based approach on the US States graph to obtain a tie-free ranking of the vertices based on a comprehensive centrality score. We observe the state of Missouri to be the most central state with respect to all the four centrality metrics. We have also analyzed the US States graph with respect to a suite of network-level metrics: bipartivity index, assortativity index, modularity, size of the minimum connected dominating set, algebraic connectivity and degree metrics. The approach taken in this paper could be useful for several application domains: transportation networks (to identify central hubs), politics (to identify campaign venues with larger geographic coverage), cultural and electoral studies (to identify communities of states that are relatively proximal to each other) and etc.

scholarly journals Is COVID-19 the end of US hegemony? Public bads, leadership failures and monetary hegemony

2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1281-1303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla Norrlöf
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Health ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
Public Bads ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract COVID-19 is the most invasive global crisis in the postwar era, jeopardizing all dimensions of human activity. By theorizing COVID-19 as a public bad, I shed light on one of the great debates of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries regarding the relationship between the United States and liberal international order (LIO). Conceptualizing the pandemic as a public bad, I analyze its consequences for US hegemony. Unlike other international public bads and many of the most important public goods that make up the LIO, the COVID-19 public bad not only has some degree of rivalry but can be made partially excludable, transforming it into more of a club good. Domestically, I demonstrate how the failure to effectively manage the COVID-19 public bad has compromised America's ability to secure the health of its citizens and the domestic economy, the very foundations for its international leadership. These failures jeopardize US provision of other global public goods. Internationally, I show how the US has already used the crisis strategically to reinforce its opposition to free international movement while abandoning the primary international institution tasked with fighting the public bad, the World Health Organization (WHO). While the only area where the United States has exercised leadership is in the monetary sphere, I argue this feat is more consequential for maintaining hegemony. However, even monetary hegemony could be at risk if the pandemic continues to be mismanaged.

Rethinking United States–Caribbean relations: towards a new mode of trans-territorial governance

2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTHONY PAYNE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Different Order

United States–Caribbean relations over the period of the last thirty or forty years have rarely—if ever—been analysed in a thoroughly satisfying way. It is a strange omission in the international relations literature given the proximity of the United States to the Caribbean, and vice versa. But the fact is that most accounts of the relationship have fallen prey to a powerful, but ultimately misleading, mythology by which small, poor, weak, dependent entities in the Caribbean have either created trouble for, or alternatively been confronted by, the ‘colossus to the north’ that is the United States in whose ‘backyard’ they unfortunately have to reside. Virtually all analysts of the US–Caribbean relationship have thus drawn a picture marked at heart by the notion of an inherently unequal struggle between forces of a different order and scale. Within this broad metaphor the only major difference of interpretation has reflected the competing theories of power in the international system developed by the realist and structuralist schools.

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