scholarly journals “Protect our homeland!” Populist communication in the 2018 Hungarian election campaign on Facebook

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalma Kékesdi-Boldog ◽  
Tamás Tóth ◽  
Tamás Bokor ◽  
Zoltán Veczán

The research presented in this paper is based on analysis of the Facebook posts of five major Hungarian political parties over the course of the official campaign season leading up to the 2018 parliamentary elections. We conducted a mixed-method analysis on 795 Facebook posts. First, the main topics of the parties were collected. Second, the posts of the parties were analyzed from a populist communicational perspective. Third, we tried to find some correlations between the basic topics and the populist communicational categories. Finally, we outline possible differences and similarities between parties’ communication. Our analysis shows that opposition parties did not have a common communicational strategy on Facebook while ruling parties emphasized both inner and exterior threats that could destabilize Hungary.

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


Author(s):  
I. Kiyanka

Problem setting. The flourishing of populism in recent years is caused, in our opinion, by an important factor – the current political bankruptcy of the Ukrainian left forces related, some way or another, to the Soviet past. Under the conditions of the authority concentration in the hands of the centrists and right centrists, the public request for social justice and more equal access of the citizens to the basic social benefits has lost common in the previous decades mechanisms of political representation. Thus, it was populists who touched on this topic and filled in the empty social and political niche. The positions of the majority of the political elite and the mood of the general public are apparently similar within the scope of this aspect. The citizens unsatisfied first of all with their economic position, which worsened sharply under the conditions of war and crisis, hope that the reforms will become the tool for the improvement of their lives. However, the reforms, in the direction of which the Ukrainian government has been mowing after the Euromaidan and which are supported by the international donors and strategic allies of Ukraine, focus on the value-based choice, which is quite different from the intrinsic to the majority of Ukrainians aspiration for “social justice”. Recent research and publications analysis. This problem was studied by such scientists as V. Haiets, O. Maidanchyk, T. Podorozhna, B. Makhonchuk, O. Yushchyk, and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Analysis of the parties' programs, which nominated their candidates for deputies, found out discrepancies in their area of focus with important for the citizens problems. Some issues are covered very generally, and promises are not backed up with the mechanism of realization. Particularly, the economic block of issues related to the filling of local budget and development of local economy very faintly touches all subjects of the election process. Promises for the provision of additional benefits to medical workers, educators, and socially disadvantaged categories do not explain from which resources these promises will be funded. Moreover, election campaigns paid little attention to the demographic problem. Paper main body. Most citizens ignored the local election as they considered their role insignificant. Complicated ballots and oppressive epidemiologic statistics also became a constraining factor for many people. There was plenty of political advertisement in social media, direct meetings with electors, but there was a lack of the element of involvement or discussions. Apparently, some of the mentioned attributes are intrinsic to the politicians and public in general in western countries as well. But the main difference lies in the level of application of such attributes and the attitude to them of electors and society in general. Since it is clear: politicians act the way their electors allow them to act.  Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Although the main subjects of the local election process were political parties, the party principle was of secondary meaning. During the election, the citizens of the hromads (communities) focused on the candidates of local or national level and were not interested in the election programs of the parties. But there is one detail: the current election legislation provides the imperative mandate. That is, if an elected deputy does not work well or does not follow party discipline, they can be dismissed by the decision of a party. Discussions not about which street shall be reconstructed next, but about the outlook on life and related things: how we are planning to live the next 5 years, how we can make our city more convenient for the citizens, etc. The absence of interesting innovative ways of solution of relevant local problems caused some kind of weariness and inactivity of electors. Unfortunately, none of the candidates and political parties did manage to mobilize their electors and heighten the interest of society in this election campaign. The first feature – this election was conducted under the conditions of quite unbalanced and non-perfect Electoral Code. It can be proved by the fact that during the election campaign – in September – the parliament tried to introduce amendments to the Code. Thus, the range of problems taking place during the election was caused by the imperfection of the legislation. Secondly, local parties, which do not have significant influence during parliamentary elections, most often do not participate in them at all. In sociological polls, quite big part of respondents chooses different parties for local and parliamentary elections. During nation-wide elections, significant role play popular political leaders and parties headed by them. Secondly, the next nationwide election in our country will be held in 2025.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.


2020 ◽  
pp. 54-60
Author(s):  
Ruslan Lekov

The dynamics of political processes and electoral competition in South Ossetia is explained by the high politicization of society. Without exaggeration, the majority of the population of the Republic was involved in the formation of party and political construction. The article analyzes the resource potential of key political parties, which gives us an understanding of how competitive the election campaign was in the elections to the VI convocation of the Parliament.


Author(s):  
E.M. Astafieva ◽  

The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.


2020 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Jadwiga Nadolska

The purpose of the article is to diagnose the causes of the increased interest shown by Poles in the European parliamentary election in 2019. From 2014 to 2019, Poles’ participation in elections to the European Parliament went up from 23.83% to 45.68%. Drawing on Europe salience theory and second-order election theory, I set out to determine whether changes in Poles’ attitudes towards the European Union led to this almost twofold increase in turnout from 2014 to 2019, or whether this trend was mainly attributable to the election cycle, that is, the coincidence in 2019 of both European and domestic parliamentary elections. My research involved an analysis of survey data (CBOS, Eurobarometr), statistical data, and the course of the European parliamentary election campaign. During the analysis, it turned out that in the years 2014–2019 there were no significant changes in how the European Union and its institutions were perceived by Poles that could explain the dramatic increase in interest in the European election. What had the greatest impact on voter behaviour was the fact that the European election was held just several months before an election to the Polish parliament. The Polish political parties treated the European election in May as a test of support in the nation election to be held in the autumn – as a ‘quasi-first round.’ The European election campaign was heavily covered by the media, and focused on domestic issues (building up Poland’s welfare state). The ruling party’s announcement of numerous social reforms and a desire to influence the result of the ‘May round’ mobilised an above-average number of Poles to take an active part in the European election.


2020 ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Denisa Jánošová ◽  
Renáta Bundzíková

Through a democratically set system of state functioning, political parties are given space for their establishment and subsequent functioning. Nowadays, registering new parties is not an issue in Slovakia, but another issue arises - most political parties cannot attract voters, and as a result they lose general sympathy and also necessary votes in elections. For a political party to become known to its voters, it needs to address and subsequently implement techniques of political marketing. Reaching and gaining voters is essential for a political party to continue to exist. By using marketing communication in its election campaign, a political party can succeed more than the one that has not used them. Therefore to adequately address its voters, a political party has to know their social, cultural, economic as well as religious background. The political party must also pay attention to the creation of an election program that appeals to voters. However, a political party should choose such proper communication channels through which it will be able to attract its supporters. The presented paper deals with the issue of using / not using marketing communication before the parliamentary elections in 2020 in selected Slovak conservatively and liberally oriented political parties in the Trenčín region. The authors present their findings on the basis of the analysis of marketing communication tools, as well as formuate research questions that helped them meet the research goal, in particular, whether selected political parties used/did not use specific marketing communication tools in their election campaign in 2020.


Author(s):  
I. Fedorovskaya

The Parliament of Georgia operates in a one-party mode. Opposition parties boycott its work demanding annulment of the results of the parliamentary elections due to mass fraud. The ruling “Georgian Dream” is trying to return the opposition to the parliament, offering to discuss and adopt a new election law. On the other hand, the Georgian government threatens to deprive the parties that refuse to work in the parliament of financial support. In the post-election period the top leadership of several major political parties has changed. The founder of the “Georgian Dream” B. Ivanishvili has left politics. N.Melia became the new leader of the United National Movement. After his arrest the internal political situation in Georgia has deteriorated.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Silvia Marcos García ◽  
Nadia Viounnikoff-Benet ◽  
Andreu Casero Ripollés

Over the last few years, social networks such as Facebook and Instagram have become the preferred places for political communication. On the one hand, politicians have incorporated them into their strategy as a channel through which they can share their messages. On the otherhand, users have a space where they can take part and show their interest in political issues. This paper examines posts on Facebook and Instagram by the main Valencian political parties and their respective leaders in the election campaign. We analysed the nature of the content and users’ ‘likes’ to reveal the functions and themes of the most popular posts and the use made of visual resources and interaction tools. The results show that the positioning taken by politicians influences the content getting the most ‘likes’. While supporters of opposition parties are most pleased by critical messages, followers of pro-government parties prefer messages that focus on management success. At the same time, items focusing on social policies and election campaign issues are those that generate the most ‘likes’ among the public. Visual aids (such as photographs and videos) and hash tags and links help boost users’ approval.


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