scholarly journals Marketing Communication of Selected Conservative and Liberal Parties in Slovak Region before Elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Denisa Jánošová ◽  
Renáta Bundzíková

Through a democratically set system of state functioning, political parties are given space for their establishment and subsequent functioning. Nowadays, registering new parties is not an issue in Slovakia, but another issue arises - most political parties cannot attract voters, and as a result they lose general sympathy and also necessary votes in elections. For a political party to become known to its voters, it needs to address and subsequently implement techniques of political marketing. Reaching and gaining voters is essential for a political party to continue to exist. By using marketing communication in its election campaign, a political party can succeed more than the one that has not used them. Therefore to adequately address its voters, a political party has to know their social, cultural, economic as well as religious background. The political party must also pay attention to the creation of an election program that appeals to voters. However, a political party should choose such proper communication channels through which it will be able to attract its supporters. The presented paper deals with the issue of using / not using marketing communication before the parliamentary elections in 2020 in selected Slovak conservatively and liberally oriented political parties in the Trenčín region. The authors present their findings on the basis of the analysis of marketing communication tools, as well as formuate research questions that helped them meet the research goal, in particular, whether selected political parties used/did not use specific marketing communication tools in their election campaign in 2020.

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-79
Author(s):  
Radu Carp

Abstract This article is based on two premises. First, the requirements for establishing political parties in Romania are the most restrictive in Europe. When a party has succeeded to register and took a non-ideological position, the electoral participation slightly increased. If the requirements for registering political parties were relaxed, new parties could emerge while greater participation to the elections is under question. The current legal procedure for registering political parties is contrary to Article 40 of the Constitution (the right to association) and the requirement according to which a political party wishing to participate in parliamentary elections must make a deposit is contrary to Article 37 of the Constitution (the right to be elected). Proving the validity of these premises leads to the necessity of changing the current normative framework in the sense of relaxing the requirements for the registration of political parties. This change may be accomplished by a draft law (which is already registered in the parliament) or by the intervention of the Constitutional Court.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-408
Author(s):  
Miroslav Řádek

Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalma Kékesdi-Boldog ◽  
Tamás Tóth ◽  
Tamás Bokor ◽  
Zoltán Veczán

The research presented in this paper is based on analysis of the Facebook posts of five major Hungarian political parties over the course of the official campaign season leading up to the 2018 parliamentary elections. We conducted a mixed-method analysis on 795 Facebook posts. First, the main topics of the parties were collected. Second, the posts of the parties were analyzed from a populist communicational perspective. Third, we tried to find some correlations between the basic topics and the populist communicational categories. Finally, we outline possible differences and similarities between parties’ communication. Our analysis shows that opposition parties did not have a common communicational strategy on Facebook while ruling parties emphasized both inner and exterior threats that could destabilize Hungary.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Eka Adhi Wibowo

This study aims to explore the relationship between the accountability of political parties and the electability of political parties. Political parties are public institutions that should accountable for public funds they use in order to be a means of aspiration for society in politics and government. The accountability variables used in this study are political party compliance with regulation of election campaign fund reporting and the amount of campaign fund, while electability is measured by vote acquisition during the election. The exploration of the relationship will provide an overview of party accountability and public understanding of accountability that is a requirement for the realization of good governance.Keywords: accountability, electability, political parties, compliance audits, campaign funds ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan eksplorasi mengenai hubungan antara akuntabilitas partai politik dengan elektabilitas partai politik. Partai politik adalah lembaga publik yang seharusnya memberikan pertanggungjawaban atas dana publik yang mereka gunakan dalam rangka menjadi sarana aspirasi bagi masyarakat dalam hal politik dan pemerintahan. Variabel akuntabilitas yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kepatuhan partai politik atas regulasi pelaporan dana kampanye pemilu dan besaran dana kampanye, sedangkan elektabilitas diukur dengan perolehan suara selama pemilu. Eksplorasi hubungan tersebut akan memberikan gambaran mengenai akuntabilitas partai dan pemahaman masyarakat mengenai akuntabilitas yang merupakan syarat perwujudan good governance.Kata kunci: akuntabilitas, elektabilitas, partai politik, audit kepatuhan, dana kampanye


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-254
Author(s):  
Erik Buyst ◽  
Luc Lauwers ◽  
Patrick Uvtterhoeven

This paper deals with the distribution of power among Belgian political parties during the interwar period. In the 1930s Belgium, like most European countries, was confronted with the electoral success of extreme right- and left-wing parties that wanted to change the existing political system into an authoritarian one. Usually, historians draw attention to the rapidly growing share of seats in Parliament held by extreme parties as a sign of their increasing influence on Belgian politics. Among game theorists, however, it is widely accepted that the proportion of seats is a poor proxy for power relations (Schotter, 1979). It is indeed possible that a political party acquiring a higher proportion of seats in Parliament loses its capacity to influence the outcome of a vote, and vice versa.


Author(s):  
I. Kiyanka

Problem setting. The flourishing of populism in recent years is caused, in our opinion, by an important factor – the current political bankruptcy of the Ukrainian left forces related, some way or another, to the Soviet past. Under the conditions of the authority concentration in the hands of the centrists and right centrists, the public request for social justice and more equal access of the citizens to the basic social benefits has lost common in the previous decades mechanisms of political representation. Thus, it was populists who touched on this topic and filled in the empty social and political niche. The positions of the majority of the political elite and the mood of the general public are apparently similar within the scope of this aspect. The citizens unsatisfied first of all with their economic position, which worsened sharply under the conditions of war and crisis, hope that the reforms will become the tool for the improvement of their lives. However, the reforms, in the direction of which the Ukrainian government has been mowing after the Euromaidan and which are supported by the international donors and strategic allies of Ukraine, focus on the value-based choice, which is quite different from the intrinsic to the majority of Ukrainians aspiration for “social justice”. Recent research and publications analysis. This problem was studied by such scientists as V. Haiets, O. Maidanchyk, T. Podorozhna, B. Makhonchuk, O. Yushchyk, and other scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Analysis of the parties' programs, which nominated their candidates for deputies, found out discrepancies in their area of focus with important for the citizens problems. Some issues are covered very generally, and promises are not backed up with the mechanism of realization. Particularly, the economic block of issues related to the filling of local budget and development of local economy very faintly touches all subjects of the election process. Promises for the provision of additional benefits to medical workers, educators, and socially disadvantaged categories do not explain from which resources these promises will be funded. Moreover, election campaigns paid little attention to the demographic problem. Paper main body. Most citizens ignored the local election as they considered their role insignificant. Complicated ballots and oppressive epidemiologic statistics also became a constraining factor for many people. There was plenty of political advertisement in social media, direct meetings with electors, but there was a lack of the element of involvement or discussions. Apparently, some of the mentioned attributes are intrinsic to the politicians and public in general in western countries as well. But the main difference lies in the level of application of such attributes and the attitude to them of electors and society in general. Since it is clear: politicians act the way their electors allow them to act.  Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Although the main subjects of the local election process were political parties, the party principle was of secondary meaning. During the election, the citizens of the hromads (communities) focused on the candidates of local or national level and were not interested in the election programs of the parties. But there is one detail: the current election legislation provides the imperative mandate. That is, if an elected deputy does not work well or does not follow party discipline, they can be dismissed by the decision of a party. Discussions not about which street shall be reconstructed next, but about the outlook on life and related things: how we are planning to live the next 5 years, how we can make our city more convenient for the citizens, etc. The absence of interesting innovative ways of solution of relevant local problems caused some kind of weariness and inactivity of electors. Unfortunately, none of the candidates and political parties did manage to mobilize their electors and heighten the interest of society in this election campaign. The first feature – this election was conducted under the conditions of quite unbalanced and non-perfect Electoral Code. It can be proved by the fact that during the election campaign – in September – the parliament tried to introduce amendments to the Code. Thus, the range of problems taking place during the election was caused by the imperfection of the legislation. Secondly, local parties, which do not have significant influence during parliamentary elections, most often do not participate in them at all. In sociological polls, quite big part of respondents chooses different parties for local and parliamentary elections. During nation-wide elections, significant role play popular political leaders and parties headed by them. Secondly, the next nationwide election in our country will be held in 2025.


Author(s):  
Taras Kozak

On the base of literary sources, the gist of political influence in geographical realities was specified. The role of electoral support as the basis for impact was examined. A considerable importance of political parties’ impact on the territorial-political structure of the society, its unity and stability were outlined. Spatial conformity with a law of people’s behaviour in connection with the election to the legislative body of state power of Ukraine was explored. The results of the emergency parliamentary election to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 2014 in the context of the geographical impact of political parties of Ukraine were analysed. The peculiarities of voters division for parties among rural and urban population were elucidated. Positive and negative tendencies of election campaign were found out. The recommendations for harmonisation of party and political system were suggested. Key words: election, influence, electoral support, constituency, party-political system, political party.


Author(s):  
D.A EZHOV ◽  

The article assesses the electoral prospects of new political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation in 2020, on the eve of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, scheduled for September 2021. Based on the results of regional elections held on a single voting day on September 13, 2020, party rhetoric and documents, the author consistently characterizes the electoral potential of the political parties such as «New People», «For Truth», «Green Alternative», and «Direct Democracy Party». The author's judgments are based on the hypothesis that the current electoral potential of new parties, which is fixed at a relatively low level, does not allow us to consider them as competitive and independent subjects in the election campaign at the start of the campaign. The likelihood of certain new parties receiving deputy mandates due to the victory of their candidates in single-mandate constituencies is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the consideration of methods of forming a pool of supporters of new political parties, determined by the specifics of their functioning.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document