scholarly journals What is There in a ‘Like’? Political Content in Facebook and Instagram in The 2019 Valencian Regional Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Silvia Marcos García ◽  
Nadia Viounnikoff-Benet ◽  
Andreu Casero Ripollés

Over the last few years, social networks such as Facebook and Instagram have become the preferred places for political communication. On the one hand, politicians have incorporated them into their strategy as a channel through which they can share their messages. On the otherhand, users have a space where they can take part and show their interest in political issues. This paper examines posts on Facebook and Instagram by the main Valencian political parties and their respective leaders in the election campaign. We analysed the nature of the content and users’ ‘likes’ to reveal the functions and themes of the most popular posts and the use made of visual resources and interaction tools. The results show that the positioning taken by politicians influences the content getting the most ‘likes’. While supporters of opposition parties are most pleased by critical messages, followers of pro-government parties prefer messages that focus on management success. At the same time, items focusing on social policies and election campaign issues are those that generate the most ‘likes’ among the public. Visual aids (such as photographs and videos) and hash tags and links help boost users’ approval.

2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart

This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nugus

Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.


Author(s):  
Joseph E. Stiglitz

The article compares civil strife in the public arena to labor strikes in the private arena. Both are predicated on incomplete information (both sides believing they can "win," when one - and possibly both - must "lose"). Reasons for conflict, especially in Africa, include the rent-based nature of the economies, the "nothing-much-to-lose" position of many of its participants, the "one-shot" game-theoretic nature of many of its conflicts, and the lack of "voice" of most of its people. The article then draws out six implications for those interested in conflict management and conflict mitigation and comments, for example, on path-dependent irreversibilities of initial policydecisions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalma Kékesdi-Boldog ◽  
Tamás Tóth ◽  
Tamás Bokor ◽  
Zoltán Veczán

The research presented in this paper is based on analysis of the Facebook posts of five major Hungarian political parties over the course of the official campaign season leading up to the 2018 parliamentary elections. We conducted a mixed-method analysis on 795 Facebook posts. First, the main topics of the parties were collected. Second, the posts of the parties were analyzed from a populist communicational perspective. Third, we tried to find some correlations between the basic topics and the populist communicational categories. Finally, we outline possible differences and similarities between parties’ communication. Our analysis shows that opposition parties did not have a common communicational strategy on Facebook while ruling parties emphasized both inner and exterior threats that could destabilize Hungary.


First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 264-276
Author(s):  
María Virginia Quiroga

The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”.  On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy.  In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo.  Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”.  Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad.  En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 166-188
Author(s):  
Aistė Valiauskaitė

The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates “Lyderių forumas”.Keywords: campaign, objectivity, parliamentary elections, political communication, professionalism, promise, tv debates.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersti Thorbjørnsrud

Abstract This comparative case study explores the formal and informal principles governing election formats produced by the public service broadcasters in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The focus is on external regulation vs. journalistic autonomy and on principles of balance and access. The conclusion is that the Scandinavian broadcasters, to a larger extent than broadcasters in other Western countries, independently control the form and content of their election formats. This journalistic autonomy, however, has brought about election formats governed by different principles of access. The Danish and Swedish formats are based on a moderate stopwatch logic, whereas the election formats in Norway center on criteria of audience appeal, resulting in a model of access disproportionately favoring certain political parties. The high degree of journalistic control of election formats in Scandinavia, paired with the low control of political parties encourage a discussion of some of the central premises in the Democratic Corporatist Model.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Achmad Bayu Chandrabuwono ◽  
Atika Rusli ◽  
Andika Sanjaya

The Regional Head Candidates use advertisements on TVRI South Kalimantan to influence the public and get votes during the 2018 Regional Election campaign. The research uses a descriptive quantitative research type. Descriptive method aims to describe systematically the facts or characteristics of certain populations factually and accurately. This type of research uses quantitative content analysis. The findings state that effective advertising must contain creative and attached messages. According to our research, we conclude that political advertising in South Kalimantan is less effective. Prospective Regional Heads cannot rely on this type of advertising as the main campaign tool. They have to improvise with other media.Keywords: Political Communication, Political Advertisiement, Television. ABSTRAKPara Calon Kepala Daerah menggunakan iklan untuk mempengaruhi masyarakat dan memperoleh suara selama kampanye.Penelitian menggunakan jenis penelitian deskriptif kuantitatif. Metode deskriptif bertujuan melukiskan secara sistematis fakta atau karak-teristik populasi tertentu secara faktual dan cermat. Tipe penelitian menggunakan analisis isi kuantitatif.Hasil temuan menyatakan iklan yang efektif harus mengandung pesan-pesan kreatif dan melekat. Menurut riset kami, kami menyimpulkan bahwa iklan politik di Kalimantan Selatan kurang efektif., Para Calon Kepala Daerah tidak dapat bergantung pada jenis iklan ini sebagai alat kampanye utama. Mereka harus berimprovisasi dengan media lain..Kata kunci: Komunikasi politik, iklan politik, televisi


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