scholarly journals Russian-Bulgarian relations after the Bulgarian parliamentary elections: outcomes and forecasts

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Government Coalition

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.

scholarly journals Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.

Le Rassemblement Wallon au gouvernement : défi au gouvernement ou défi au parti ?

Res Publica ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-406
Author(s):  
Pierre Lefev
Keyword(s):  
Socialist Party ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Right ◽  
Government Coalition

The participation of the Rassemblement Wallon (Walloon Gathering) in the Belgian government, from June 1974 to March 1977, pointed to great incoherence. Bebind the many incidents characterizing this experience, a ma;or change seems to have taken place within this party as well as in Belgian politics. Isolated in the government coalition, the RW was sub;ect to growing internal tensions, which resulted in the outline of contradictory strategies. The failure of its openings towards the right caused a rift in the party, thus necessitating alternate alliances with «the left», through a rapprochement towards the PSB (Belgian Socialist Party) and the FDF (Front of the French-speaking) .This evolution highly contributed to the signing of an agreement between the three regions and to the onset of Belgium towards federalism.

scholarly journals Natalia Papenko, Evgen Papenko. Society and State in the Works of Thomas Paine

2018 ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
Natalia Papenko ◽  
Evgen Papenko
Keyword(s):  
Social Process ◽  
Social Philosophy ◽  
The State ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
Thomas Paine ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Representative System ◽  
The Right ◽  
Necessary Evil

The article discovers the philosophical, socio-political views of the famous American enlightener, philosopher, and participant of the war for independence of northern American colonies of Great Britain – Thomas Paine (1737-1809). The article aims to demonstrate that the equality of people in accordance with their nature has been the main motive of Thomas Paine’s social philosophy. “Natural rights” have been determined by him as those pertaining to a human according to the right of its existence. Thomas Paine, being one of the first American enlighteners, has proved that the terms of “state” and “society” had appeared independently. The humans’ need of the social process, saving of their natural rights had forced them to unite into a society. This statement of the enlightener has been extremely important and accurate: “The society is produced by our desires, and government is produces by our wickedness… The society in every state is a blessing, but the government…is nothing but a necessary evil, and otherwise – an intolerable one”. It is proved that all philosophic works of T. Paine have been pierced by the thought about the inevitability of the state creation. The origin and the existence of state power becomes possible only under the social agreement, as exactly according thereto the humanity is able to realize its natural rights, and only under the social agreement the supreme power in the state shall belong to the nation. The article analyzes T. Paine’s conception about the leadership of the nation, republican principles and representative system of government in the republic form. The contemporaries called Thomas Paine “the British Voltaire” for his fight against willfulness of the church and clergy. He believed in the power of greatness of Mind and Virtue, which had to destroy the wickedness of civilizational society.

scholarly journals Cabinet Formation Elections: Among Opposition, Coalition, or Collegiality of The Party’s Chairperson

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sulardi Sulardi ◽  
Wafda Vivid Izziyana
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Government Coalition

Constitutional change is always tinged with a tense and lasting political constellation in both national and international contexts. the existence of transactional politics to gain seats constantly influences political dynamics in the election period. The method used in this research is the doctrinal method. Indonesia applies a presidential government system but does not fully follow the existing doctrine. several coalitions in the government coalition were made. As a result when the President and Vice President are nominated. political parties that support the nomination feel they have the right to join the government, as in the parliamentary system of government. The cabinet filling model is also influenced by supporting parties. It shows that political parties can collaborate to form a joint government, however, the President has the prerogative in determining who will be his minister. It should be carefully noted down that our country is a country adopting a presidential government system. As a result, the formation and the ministers elections of the government is not at the hand of the chairperson of the political parties coalition, but fully at the hand of the president as the President’s prerogative rights. This cannot be proceeded. Chairperson of the Political parties in a coalition may expect to get some seats of powers (minister) from the President Keywords: cabinet; election; political; party; chairperson

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

The Scope and Content of Section 75(1)(a) of the Zimbabwean Constitution: An International Law Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiedza Simbo
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Education System ◽  
Basic Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Education Act ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Basic Education System

Despite the recent enactment of the Zimbabwean Constitution which provides for the right to basic education, complaints, reminiscent of a failed basic education system, have marred the education system in Zimbabwe. Notwithstanding glaring violations of the right to basic education by the government, no person has taken the government to court for failure to comply with its section 75(1)(a) constitutional obligations, and neither has the government conceded any failures or wrongdoings. Two ultimate questions arise: Does the state know what compliance with section 75(1)(a) entails? And do the citizens know the scope and content of their rights as provided for by section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe? Whilst it is progressive that the Education Act of Zimbabwe as amended in 2020 has addressed some aspects relating to section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution, it has still not provided an international law compliant scope and content of the right to basic education neither have any clarifications been provided by the courts. Using an international law approach, this article suggests what the scope and content of section 75(1)(a) might be.

THE VALUE OF LOVE IN THE SYSTEM OF FORMATION OF THE PROFESSIONAL MATURITY OF THE EDUCATOR

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
The State ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].

How to Choose the Right Partners in Cross-Sector Partnership in Emerging Countries? A Political Embeddedness Perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 000765032098260
Author(s):  
Jiawen Chen ◽  
Qian Zhang ◽  
Linlin Liu
Keyword(s):  
Close Relationships ◽  
Social Trust ◽  
Social Performance ◽  
Partner Selection ◽  
Emerging Countries ◽  
Social Partnership ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Relational Risks

In emerging countries such as China where the government is gradually withdrawing from involvement in social affairs, firms face dilemmas around relational risks of partnering with different forms of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Affiliated NGOs (those with close relationships with government) are more likely to sabotage the social partnership through misconduct, and are also capable of higher standards of collaborative social performance compared with independent NGOs (those with few such relationships). This study proposes that firms’ political embeddedness helps mitigate relational risks in cross-sector partner selection, and finds that politically connected firms are more likely to partner with affiliated NGOs than with independent NGOs in China. This effect is more pronounced for private firms that are less socially oriented or are located in regions with less-developed formal institutions and social trust. Our findings highlight relational risks relevant to cross-sector partner selection literature and offer important insights into how relational risks can be reduced in cross-sector partner selection in emerging countries.

Les chefs de cabinets ministériels au Québec: la transition du gouvernement libéral au gouvernement péquiste (1976–1977)

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
The Government

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.

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