scholarly journals O granicach i przepaściach: dyskurs o górach i separacji na terenach objętych konfliktem etnicznym

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 248-265
Author(s):  
Michael Wedekind
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Integration ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Alpine Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mental Maps ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Masses

ON BOUNDARIES AND GAPS: DISCOURSES ON MOUNTAINS AND SEPARATION IN AREAS AFFECTED BY ETHNIC CONFLICTThe author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic partly racial models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.

scholarly journals Von Grenzen und Abgründen: Berg- und Abgrenzungsdiskurse in ethnischen Konflikträumen

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 221-247
Author(s):  
Michael Wedekind
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Integration ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Alpine Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mental Maps ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Masses

ON BOUNDARIES AND GAPS: DISCOURSES ON MOUNTAINS ANS SEPARATION IN AREAS AFFECTED BY ETHNIC CONFLICTThe author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic partly racial models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.

scholarly journals Avoidance as Inter-Religious Competence? Samaritans and Their Religious “Others” in Nablus, Palestine

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Julia Droeber
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Pedagogical Models ◽  
Religious Others

In this paper, I take issue with the theory and practice of inter-religious competence, based on a case-study of the Samaritans of Nablus. I take as a starting point the contemporary observation that inter-religious relations in Nablus are relatively peaceful, which in most models of inter-religious competence would be considered a product of successfully acquired and implemented inter-religious competences. A second observation, that runs against the grain of all models of inter-religious competence, is that Samaritans do not seem to discuss religious issues in public at all. I try to show that this strategy of avoidance is largely the result of historical experiences, which made “walking between the raindrops” seem the most successful way to maintain social peace. Furthermore, I attempt to demonstrate that the strategy of avoidance is one applied in public, but not in private discourses, which, in turn, I identify as a second strategy of inter-religious competence found in the Nablus context but not in pedagogical models. A third aspect, not mentioned in theoretical models of inter-religious competences, is the political context, which, in the case of Nablus, is marked by a strong discursive emphasis on local and national identity—against an external “enemy”—that overrides any religious boundaries.

scholarly journals General Patterns and National Features of the Identity Formation in the Post-Soviet Space: the Experience of Moldova

2020 ◽  
pp. 148-173
Author(s):  
A. Dobrovolskaya
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Linear Wave ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Masses

The article discusses the processes of searching for the national identity of the Republic of Moldova during the post-communist transit. The conditions in which the reforms took place in the country and the factors that influenced the directions and priorities of the development of Moldavian society are analyzed. It is shown that the processes of the formation of a political nation in the Republic proceeded in an environment of socio-political crises and conflicts, fluctuations in domestic and foreign policy and had a non-linear wave-like character. The search for national identity in Moldova was accompanied by the emergence of ideological, political and value splits in the political elite and among the masses of Moldavian society, which intensified and softened with a certain frequency. It is stated that the Republic of Moldova is practically the only country in Europe where identification differences were a determining factor in the polarization of political forces, and identity conflicts became a significant factor in political mobilization. It is noted that the incompleteness of the process of national self-identification in Moldova is largely determined by external factors, as a result of which the state acts as an object of influence of more significant subjects of international politics. It is concluded that although the political system of the Republic of Moldova supports the existence of democratic trends, the achievement of value consensus through the creation of a broad dialogue in the public space and general civil discourse remains an urgent task for the national elites. The experience of the political transit of the Republic of Moldova has confirmed the fact that during the formation of political nations there are frequent cases when the confrontation of symbols, meanings and historical dates does not occur between different states, but takes place within society itself. Moldova has become a classic example of an identification split that divides the country into East and West, North and South, whose residents appeal to different versions of national history.

scholarly journals Identity, tradition, society. Experiences from the south Hungarian region great plain

2006 ◽  
pp. 457-464
Author(s):  
Tibor Szarvak ◽  
Zsolt Szoboszlai
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Environment ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Great Plain ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Socialism ◽  
The South ◽  
Vital Importance ◽  
Traditional Communities

In the period before the 1990s, models of identity were not allowed if they differed from the expectations of the political authorities (national ethnic, political, religious, socio-cultural etc), so that the issue of identity could not appear in public discourse. From the standpoint of traditional communities, there were some elements which led to significant consequences: state socialism and social practice could not cure the traumas of two world wars, which were additionally burdened by the disintegration of traditional communities existing before the period of state socialism, as well as by the indistinct Hungarian identity, the consequence of a deformed internationalism. All these factors led to the situation in which the majority of the Hungarians did not have established patterns of identity at the beginning of the 1990s, which was, however, of vital importance for the constant changing requests of social environment. During the 1990s and earlier, people carried out mostly sociological and socio-osychological researches to introduce and investigate the main features of national identity.

Issue Dimensions and Cleavages: How the Russian Experience Helps Us to Look for Cross-Points

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-235
Author(s):  
Yury Korgunyuk
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regression Analyses ◽  
Issue Salience ◽  
Empirical Base ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Weak Points ◽  
Alternative Methodology ◽  
Election Results

Abstract The article analyzes the weak points of the Manifesto Project’s methodology, such as its emphasis on issue salience, instead of issue positions; bringing the content of manifestos under too broad categories formulated at the beginning of the project; not quite the appropriate technique of factor analysis etc. An alternative methodology is proposed that focuses on party positions on issues which generate the largest polarization in the political space. It also enriches the empirical base of the studies and adjusts the technique of factor analysis. In order to reveal political cleavages inside these dimensions, the so called electoral cleavages (factors of territorial differences in voting for various parties) are taken as a starting point: factor loadings of parties in the electoral and political spaces are compared through correlation and regression analyses. The proposed methodology is applied to an analysis of election results in Russia (2016) and Germany (2017).

Multidirectional War and Paramilitarism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Balkelis
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Cycle Of Violence ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Socially Motivated

This chapter, by following the course of military actions in Lithuania in 1919, explores the emergence of various military and paramilitary groups that engaged in different types of violence. The focus here is on the entanglement of three types of actors: those that performed state-sanctioned violence; those that acted as semi-independent paramilitary agents, and those that engaged in ethnically or socially motivated violence on a local level. The ability of the Lithuanian government to survive the series of military engagements in 1919 enhanced its legitimacy among the local population, and laid the foundation for a modern Lithuanian identity among the masses. Yet the new state and national identity were shaped in a continuous cycle of violence, social strife, mobilization, and militarization of society.

PaReSoGo: Dataset on party representation of social groups for 25 countries, 2002–2016

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dissimilarity Index ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Measure Representation ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
The Masses

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.

The first century of English protestantism and the growth of national identity

1982 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 309-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Fletcher
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Early Modern Period ◽  
First Century ◽  
English Reformation ◽  
John Foxe ◽  
Religious Attitudes ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Religious Zeal

Their sense of national identity is not something that men have been in the habit of directly recording. Its strength or weakness, in relation to commitment to international causes or to localist sentiment, can often only be inferred by examining political and religious attitudes and personal behaviour. So far as the early modern period is concerned, the subject is hazardous because groups and individuals must have varied enormously in the extent to which national identity meant something to them or influenced their lives. The temptation to generalise must be resisted. It is all too easy to suppose that national identity became well established in England in the Tudor century, when a national culture, based on widespread literacy among gentry, yeomen and townsmen, flowered as it had never done before, when the bible was first generally available in English, when John Foxe produced his celebrated Acts and Monuments, better known as the Book of Martyrs. Recent work reassessing the significance of Foxe’s account of the English reformation and other Elizabethan polemical writings provdes a convenient starting point for this brief investigation of some of the connections between religious zeal and national consciousness between 1558 and 1642.

Histoire du mot «démocratie» au Canada et au Québec. Analyse politique des stratégies rhétoriques

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Le Canada

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.

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