scholarly journals Identity, tradition, society. Experiences from the south Hungarian region great plain

2006 ◽  
pp. 457-464
Author(s):  
Tibor Szarvak ◽  
Zsolt Szoboszlai

In the period before the 1990s, models of identity were not allowed if they differed from the expectations of the political authorities (national ethnic, political, religious, socio-cultural etc), so that the issue of identity could not appear in public discourse. From the standpoint of traditional communities, there were some elements which led to significant consequences: state socialism and social practice could not cure the traumas of two world wars, which were additionally burdened by the disintegration of traditional communities existing before the period of state socialism, as well as by the indistinct Hungarian identity, the consequence of a deformed internationalism. All these factors led to the situation in which the majority of the Hungarians did not have established patterns of identity at the beginning of the 1990s, which was, however, of vital importance for the constant changing requests of social environment. During the 1990s and earlier, people carried out mostly sociological and socio-osychological researches to introduce and investigate the main features of national identity.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 248-265
Author(s):  
Michael Wedekind

ON BOUNDARIES AND GAPS: DISCOURSES ON MOUNTAINS AND SEPARATION IN AREAS AFFECTED BY ETHNIC CONFLICTThe author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic partly racial models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 221-247
Author(s):  
Michael Wedekind

ON BOUNDARIES AND GAPS: DISCOURSES ON MOUNTAINS ANS SEPARATION IN AREAS AFFECTED BY ETHNIC CONFLICTThe author examines the reasons behind the political instrumentalisation and ethnicisation of tourism as a private social practice, allegedly far removed from politics. Using the example of the Austrian Alpine Region specifically, the Duchy of Tyrol during the late Habsburg Monarchy, he demonstrates that this political sphere of action was a promising starting point for the nationalisation of the masses of the masses, especially wherever national circles of various communities had no access to the state apparatus and to classic socialisation organs and, therefore, had to resort to auxiliary measures to socialise nationality. In addition to issuing calls to visit areas close to linguistic and national borders and projecting ethnic partly racial models of segmentation and exclusion, tourism was used as ground for the building of national identity, for strategies of social integration and mobilisation, for establishing new mental maps and links of loyalty.


Author(s):  
Maren Klein

At a time when multiculturalism as an approach to managing diversity in society has been declared a failed policy in many western countries, Australia still seems committed to the approach as evidenced in public discourse and government declarations. The concept of interculturalism— promoted as a more appropriate approach to dealing with diversity in other parts of the world such as Europe and Canada—seemingly has no place in the Australian context. However, changes in the understanding of the concept, its application and degrees of commitment to it can also be observed in Australia. Not only has the meaning and execution of multiculturalism changed considerably over the years, there has also been vigorous debate and backlash, embodied in the political arena, by the (re) emergence of parties, and more recently, a variety of groupings with a nationalistic and/or nativist focus. More generally, a hardened attitude in public discourses concerning migration, social cohesion and national identity has developed over the last two decades. In the context of these developments, this article will trace the evolution of the Australian concept of multiculturalism and its concrete application focussing on the changes of the last two decades. A comparison of Australia’s purportedly unique type of multiculturalism and concept(s) of interculturalism to explore whether Australia’s nation-building project is indeed distinct from other countries’ diversity experience, or whether there is a place for interculturalism in Australia in an era of increasing mobility will conclude the article.


Sociologija ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-630
Author(s):  
Marija Manasijevic

When observing the relation between the standard language and language variety, the hegemony of standards which implies the ideological foundation of its prestige cannot be discarded. Respecting the language standards, one shows his or her own social status in a certain way, being able to accommodate to the rules of public discourse regardless of the part of the country he or she comes from. A person can position themselves on the social ladder of power and prestige by using the ?pure? language in formal situations. The underlying problem of this paper is discourse analysis of the language used by the people from the South of Serbia in the TV show ?Porodicno blago? which has been conducted in accordance with the principles of the critical discourse analysis. The selected examples have been analyzed on three levels: text, discursive practice and social practice. According to the analyzed discourse examples we can infer that there are two basic ways of portraying the people from the South of Serbia. The first type is represented by the character of Tika Spic, who is the personification of a primitive, uneducated, resourceful and unscrupulous man. In contrast to that, the second type is naive, openhearted, primitive, passionate and hedonistic. The thing in common for both types of southerners is honouring the traditional values, which includes patriarchy connected to the lack of education, frugality and incivility in the broadest sense of the term. This paper discusses the ways of relativisation of these stereotypes by the means of the principles of sociolinguistic activism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Brigitte Le Normand

To understand the distinctiveness of ports under state socialism, it is necessary to shift the focus from the built environment to flows of people, goods, knowledge and capital. In so doing, this article examines the operation of Yugoslavia's main shipping line, Jugolinija, from its inception in 1947 until 1960. This enterprise was based in the port of Rijeka, with both firm and port experiencing rapid growth during this period. The impact of state socialism can be seen in the primacy of the political over the profitability of the firm, with Jugolinija used to advance Yugoslavia's foreign trade and foreign policy, its interests being subordinated to the project of building self-managed socialism. It can also be seen in the unique challenges posed by having to operate at the intersection of the global market and a highly regulated economy – a situation that also created opportunities for the firm as a whole, as well as for its employees, who had access to foreign currency, travel and knowledge of the world. Jugolinija's privileged access to the world in what was still very much a closed society also created opportunities for ‘leaks’ of personnel and goods. Finally, socialist ideology left its imprint on Jugolinija's operations and shaped the ways in which its employees understood their work and the place of the firm within the Yugoslav economy. While it is tempting to see state socialism as ‘getting in the way’ of Jugolinija's business, in actuality the firm was remarkably successful both at operating within the Yugoslav socialist state framework, and capitalizing on the opportunities provided by access to the global market. Jugolinija's employees, in turn, profited from the mobility that came with working for the firm, sometimes at the expense of the enterprise and the state.


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 1932
Author(s):  
Wenji Huang ◽  
Mingwang Xi ◽  
Shibao Lu ◽  
Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary

In the long history of the feudal society of China, Kaifeng played a vital role. During the Northern Song Dynasty, Kaifeng became a worldwide metropolis. The important reason was that the Grand Canal, which was excavated during the Sui Dynasty, became the main transportation artery for the political and military center of the north and the economic center of the south. Furthermore, Kaifeng was located at the center of the Grand Canal, which made it the capital of the later Northern Song Dynasty. The Northern Song Dynasty was called “the canal-centered era.” The development of the canal caused a series of major changes in the society of the Northern Song Dynasty that were different from the previous ones, which directly led to the transportation revolution, and in turn, promoted the commercial revolution and the urbanization of Kaifeng. The development of commerce contributed to the agricultural and money revolutions. After the Northern Song Dynasty, the political center moved to the south. During the Yuan Dynasty, the excavation of the Grand Canal made it so that water transport did not have to pass through the Central Plains. The relocation of the political center and the change in the canal route made Kaifeng lose the value of connecting the north and south, resulting in the long-time fall of the Bianhe River. Kaifeng, which had prospered for more than 100 years, declined gradually, and by the end of the Qing Dynasty, it became a common town in the Central Plains. In ancient China, the rise and fall of cities and regions were closely related to the canal, and the relationship between Kaifeng and the Grand Canal was typical. The history may provide some inspiration for the increasingly severe urban and regional sustainable development issues in contemporary times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-103
Author(s):  
Simone Mwangi

AbstractEconomic and political crisis situations are interpreted differently in different societies and cultures. What is perceived as a major threat in one society can be experienced as an everyday occurrence in other societies. This shows that crises are not issues that exist independently of people, but that they are to a large extent the result of social interpretations. An example of how a community interprets events as a surmountable challenge, rather than a crisis, is Argentina’s public discourse on the 2014 default. Instead of a discourse that concentrates on economic, political and social problems, the event provoked a political discourse on national identity. The present paper uses the methods of descriptive discourse analysis to study this solution-driven way of handling crisis events. The investigation focuses on the cultural knowledge and discourse traditions used in Argentina to interpret the country’s situation in the summer of 2014. The study analyzes how these cultural and linguistic resources contribute to coping with the situation of default while strengthening national identity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582110246
Author(s):  
Federico Ferretti

This paper addresses the engagement of critical geographers from Northeastern Brazil with regional planning, aiming at transforming society by acting on their region’s spaces. Extending and putting in relation literature on planning theory in the Global South and geographical scholarship on decoloniality, I explore new archives showing how the planning work that these geographers performed from 1957 to 1964 was an example of the ‘South’ re-elaborating and putting into practice notions arising from ‘international’ literature, such as that of ‘active geography’, and pioneering critical uses of instruments, such as mappings and statistics, that have often been associated with technocracy and political conservatism. Connected with peasants’ struggles and with a theoretical framework that is cognisant of the colonial histories and insurgent Black and indigenous traditions in the Northeast, these geographers’ works show that there is no ‘Southern Theory’ without a concrete engagement of scholars with social and political problems, one which is not limited to ‘participation’, but aims at challenging the political powers in place. Although not devoid of contradictions that are analysed here, the experiences of these Southern geographers acting in and for the South can provide precious insights into current (Northern or Southern) scholarly programmes aimed at resisting oppression.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Gildersleeve

The cultural association of Queensland with a condition of imagination or unreality has a strong history. Queensland has always ‘retained much of its quality as an abstraction, an idea’, asserts Thea Astley in her famous essay on the state's identity (Astley 1976: 263). In one of the most quoted descriptions of Queensland's literary representation, Pat Buckridge draws attention to its ‘othering’, suggesting that Queensland possesses ‘a different sense of distance, different architecture, a different apprehension of time, a distinctive preoccupation with personal eccentricity, and . . . a strong sense of cultural antitheses’ (1976: 30). Rosie Scott comes closest to the concerns of this present article when she asserts that this so-called difference ‘is definitely partly to do with the landscape. In Brisbane, for instance, the rickety old wooden Queenslanders drenched in bougainvillea, the palms, the astounding number of birds even in Red Hill where I lived, the jacarandas, are all unique in Australia’ (quoted in Sheahan-Bright and Glover 2002: xv). For Vivienne Muller, Buckridge's ‘cultural antitheses’ are most clearly expressed in precisely this interpretation of Queensland as a place somewhere between imagined wilderness and paradise (2001: 72). Thus, as Gillian Whitlock suggests, such differences are primarily fictional constructs that feed ‘an image making process founded more on nationalist debates about city and bush, centre and periphery, the Southern states versus the Deep North than on any “real” sense of regionalism’ (quoted in Muller 2001: 80). Queensland, in this reading, is subject to the Orientalist discourse of an Australian national identity in which the so-called civilisation of the south-eastern urban capitals necessitates a dark ‘other’. I want to draw out this understanding of the landscape as it is imagined in Queensland women's writing. Gail Reekie (1994: 8) suggests that, ‘Women's sense of place, of region, is powerfully constructed by their marginality to History.’ These narratives do assert Queensland's ‘difference’, but as part of an articulation of psychological extremity experienced by those living on the edges of a simultaneously ideological and geographically limited space. The Queensland landscape, I argue, is thus used as both setting for and symbol of traumatic experience.


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