scholarly journals Map of Da’wah: Religious Polarization and Affirmation of Identity of Islamic Societies In Lombok, Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-253
Author(s):  
Fahrurrozi Fahrurrozi ◽  
Muhammad Thohri

Temuan kajian ini adalah polarisasi keagamaan yang menegaskan identitas masyarakat Islam Lombok muncul sejak sebelum Indonesia merdeka dengan mengambil bentuk gerakan (faham) keagamaan. Faham keagamaan mainstream di Lombok adalah faham Sunni dan tidak seluruhnya di bawah bendera organisasi akan tetapi secara umum berbasis lembaga pendidikan. Faham non-sunni minoritas membawa pengaruh dan pola gerakan wahabi yang menekankan “pembedaan” praktik keagamaan, sehingga yang terjadi bukan lagi pergumulan ideologi melainkan kontestasi identitas. Kemudian identitas keagamaan masyarakat Islam Lombok berbentuk material-simbolik dan praktik keagamaan yang akomodatif. Akomodasi praktik keagamaan terjadi pada praktik amalan-amalan tasawwuf dan mengalami akulturasi sebagai identitas muslim Lombok. Identitas keagamaan Islam di Lombok Sunni ada jauh sebelum berkembangnya organisasi dan lembaga pendidikan  keagamaan, sehingga identitas Islam Sasak mengalami pembauran hasil konstruksi alamiah masyarakat Islam Lombok. Keragaman organisasi, gerakan, dan peneguhan identitas dapat menjadi kekayaaan sejauh keragaman tersebut tidak dipertentangkan di ruang publik.

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Sahari Sahari ◽  
Andi Fikra Pratiwi Arifuddin

Abstrak The purpose of this research is tofind out student opinions on religious polarization on social media in the 2019 presidential and vice presidential elections, and how social media educates new voters (melinial). The method used is qualitative, the reason is because this research requires field data that is actual and contextual, qualitative methods have a very high degree of adaptability so that researchers can adjust to situations and conditions that are constantly changing when data collection. This research found some important notes that manysocial media which makes use of religious issues and a religious polarization strategy to win certain candidates in the 2019 presidential election, because it is considered effective in influencing the attitudes of voters, especially from millennials (students), even though many political experts claim / admit that playing religious sentiment violates ethics and is not good for millennial generation political education. Apart from being a campaign tool, social media is also used as an effort and strategy to provide political education for the millennial generation by stakeholders, such as the KPU and Bawaslu, in order to avoid exposure to hoax news, black campaigen, money politics and so on which can injure the greatness of the democratic party. Abstrak Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pendapat mahasiswa terhadap polarisasi agama di media sosial pada pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden Tahun 2019, dan bagaimana media sosial mengedukasi pemilih pemula (melinial). Metode yang digunakan yakni kualitatif, alasannya karena penelitian ini membutuhkan data lapangan yang bersifat aktual dan kontekstual, metode kualitatif memliki tingkat adaptabilitas yang sangat tinggi sehingga peneliti bisa menyesuaikan dengan situasi dan kondisi yang senantiasa berubah saat pengambilan data. Penelitian ini menenemukan beberapa catatan penting bahwa banyak media sosial yang memanfaatkan issu agama dan strategi polarisasi agama untuk memenangkan calon tertentu pada pemilihan pilpres 2019,  karena diangap efektif untuk mempengaruhi sikap pemilih terutama dari kalangan milenial (mahasiswa), padahal banyak pakar politik yang menyatakan/mengakui bahwa memainkan sentiment agama melanggar etika dan kurang baik untuk pendidikan politik generasi milenial. Selain sebagai alat kampanye, media sosial juga dimanfatkan sebagai usaha dan strategi untuk memberikan pendidikan politik bagi generasi milenial oleh pemangku kepentingan, seperti KPU dan Bawaslu, agar terhindar dari paparan berita Hoax, black campaigen, money politik dan sebagainya yang dapat menciderai khitmadnya pesta demokrasi. Kata kunci: isu agama, pendidikan politik, media sosial.


Author(s):  
G. Vainshtein

Conflicts of new kind are spreading in Europe, caused by the growing ethnic, cultural, and religious polarization of society. Old tensions between the core population and the immigrants, particularly Muslims, are being exacerbated by growing attempts of local spiritual community leaders to assert Islamic identity of the increasing number of newcomers. The policy of multiculturalism, once acclaimed as a reliable means of integration, draws more criticism. The right-wing radicalism is intensifying. The disenchantment is rising.


2018 ◽  
Vol 681 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aries A. Arugay ◽  
Dan Slater

The Philippines’ long democratic experience has been remarkably free of deeply politicized cleavages. Roman Catholicism as a hegemonic religion prevents religious polarization, ethnic identity fragmentation limits ethnic polarization, and weak parties forestall ideological or class polarization. Nevertheless, the country suffered a crisis of polarization during the short-lived Estrada presidency (1998–2001) and that of his successor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001–2010). The severe conflict was a product of power maneuvers by anti-Estrada forces, followed by anti-Arroyo actors returning the favor, given her gross abuses of power. Echoing Machiavelli’s famous distinction, the conflict pitted Estrada’s popoli (the many) against Arroyo’s oligarchic grandi (the few). This Machiavellian conflict ended with an oligarchic reassertion of Madisonian democratic rule through the electoral victory of Benigno Simeon Aquino III in 2010. We conclude the article by considering whether the populist challenge of current president Rodrigo Duterte (2016– ) might spark a similarly destabilizing conflict in the years to come.


2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAUL CASTAÑEDA DOWER ◽  
EVGENY FINKEL ◽  
SCOTT GEHLBACH ◽  
STEVEN NAFZIGER

We explore the relationship between capacity for collective action and representation in autocracies with data from Imperial Russia. Our primary empirical exercise relates peasant representation in new institutions of local self-government to the frequency of peasant unrest in the decade prior to reform. To correct for measurement error in the unrest data and other sources of endogeneity, we exploit idiosyncratic variation in two determinants of peasant unrest: the historical incidence of serfdom and religious polarization. We find that peasants were granted less representation in districts with more frequent unrest in preceding years—a relationship consistent with the Acemoglu-Robinson model of political transitions and inconsistent with numerous other theories of institutional change. At the same time, we observe patterns of redistribution in subsequent years that are inconsistent with the commitment mechanism central to the Acemoglu-Robinson model. Building on these results, we discuss possible directions for future theoretical work.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-110
Author(s):  
Jean Bethke Elshtain

In his 2000 best seller Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Civic Community, Robert Putnam analyzed the links between social capital and civic engagement. Lamenting the decline of “civic America,” he called for a Tocquevillean renewal of voluntary association in the United States. In American Grace, Putnam and coauthor David Campbell—who also helped with the preparation of Bowling Alone—return to the analysis of American civil society, focusing their attention on America's changing religious landscape and its implications for democracy. Their basic argument is that while the United States is religiously diverse and pluralistic to a profound degree, and while in recent years it has witnessed growing religious polarization, it has also succeeded in muting religious tensions and hostilities. As they conclude: “How has America solved the puzzle of religious pluralism—the coexistence of religious diversity and devotion? And how has it done so in the wake of growing religious polarization? By creating a web of interlocking personal relationships among people of many different faiths. This is America's grace” (p. 550).Given the importance of religion in American life and the influence of Putnam's broad agenda on much current social science research on social capital and civic engagement, we have decided to organize a symposium around the book, centered on three questions: 1) How is American Grace related to Putnam's earlier work, particularly Bowling Alone, and what are the implications of the continuities and/or discontinuities between these works? 2) What kind of a work of political science is American Grace, and how does it compare to other important recent work dealing with religion and politics in the United States? 3) What are the strengths and weaknesses of Putnam and Campbell's account of “how religion divides and unites us,” and what is the best way of thinking about the contemporary significance of religion and politics in the United States and about the ways that the religious landscape challenges U.S. politics and U.S. political science?


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Casteels ◽  
Louise Deschryver ◽  
Violet Soen

This special issue examines the multifaceted phenomenon of death in the early modern Low Countries. When war, revolt, and disease ravaged the Netherlands, the experience of death came to be increasingly materialised in vanitas art, funeral sermons, ars moriendi prints, mourning poetry, deathbed psalms, memento mori pendants, grave monuments, épitaphiers, and commemoration masses. This collection of interdisciplinary essays brings historical, art historical, and literary perspectives to bear on the complex cultural and anthropological dimensions of death in past societies. It argues that the sensing and staging of mortality reconfigured confessional and political repertoires, alternately making and breaking communities in the delta of Rhine, Meuse, and Scheldt. As such, death’s ‘omnipresence’ within the context of ongoing war and religious polarization contributed to the confessional and political reconfiguration of the early modern Low Countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-237
Author(s):  
M. Khusna Amal ◽  
Ahmad Fajar Shodiq

Abstract: This study examines the conflict between Sunni groups and Syi'ah groups in post-New Order Indonesia. Many studies have revealed the problem of religious sectarianism conflict between the two. Some argue that conflict is triggered by differences in religious identity and theology. Others see economic and political aspects as the main factors triggering religious conflict and violence. Starting from the case of the Sunni-Syi'ah conflict in Jambesari Village (Bondowoso), this study finds an interesting finding that the conflict occurred due to sharpening religious polarization and contestation. At the same time, the infiltration of intolerant religious elites from outside the village also contributed to sharpening polarization, escalating tensions, and even triggering mass acts of violence that were suspected to have originated from Sunni groups over the Syi'ah minority group. Alienation, discrimination, dissolution of recitation, vandalism, and burning of houses belonging to Syi’ah elites are forms of violence both physically and psychologically due to the occurrence of this religious conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95
Author(s):  
Yun Lu ◽  
Xiaozhao Y. Yang

A dominant discourse in the social sciences theorizes that religious diversity puts individuals’ health at risk via interreligious hostility. However, this discourse overlooks the different subtypes of religious diversity and the moderation of political institutions. To better understand the issue of diversity and health, in this study, we distinguish between two subtypes of religious diversity—polarization and fractionalization—and argue that their impacts on health are heterogeneous. Using a sample of 67,399 individuals from 51 societies drawn from the 2010–2014 wave of the World Values Survey, our multilevel analyses show that religious polarization is negatively associated with individual health, whereas the health effects of religious fractionalization are positive. Moreover, the associations between religious polarization/fractionalization and individual health are found to depend on the democratic level of the state. In more democratic countries, the negative effects of polarization on health are mitigated, and the positive effects of fractionalization are stronger.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document