scholarly journals The US National Efforts to Counter Domestic Terrorism: Progress and Controversy

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Faruq Arjuna Hendroy

The article examines the increasing domestic terrorism threat within the U.S. borders and how the U.S. government responded to it. The robust maneuver of the U.S. ledcoalition in the Middle East to coercively hunt down the terrorist groups does not fully stop them from posing the threat. Ironically, the terrorist groups direct their attacks to the U.S. homeland through their small networks. It is not difcult to build networks in the U.S. homeland, since the the advance of millennium technology enables them to radicalize people from long distance. The U.S. surely concerns about the increasing number of terrorist attacks within its borders, that it recently issued a set of national counter-terrorism strategy combining both coercive and soft approach. However, the approval of discriminatory and controversial travel ban policy was believed to hamper the existing national strategy, mistarget the main causes, and create new problems.

Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza

This chapter analyzes China's counter-terrorism policy in the Middle East, and the linkage between the threats posed by terrorist groups at home and abroad. Specifically, this is an investigation of China's counter-terrorism policy in response to the growing threat of terrorism and the linkage between Uyghur terrorism in Xinjiang and the increase in Islamist terrorist attacks in the Middle East as it impacts upon China's national security. These terrorist activities and the connections between them show that terrorism and radicalization transcend boundaries and regions, threatening not only countries in the Middle East but also China’s homeland security.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Falkenrath

This chapter examines strategy and deterrence and traces the shift from deterrence by ‘punishment’ to deterrence by ‘denial’ in Washington’s conduct of the Global War on Terror. The former rested on an assumption that the consequences of an action would serve as deterrents. The latter may carry messages of possible consequences, but these are delivered by taking action that removes the capabilities available to opponents – in the given context, the Islamist terrorists challenging the US. Both approaches rest on credibility, but are more complex in the realm of counter-terrorism, where the US authorities have no obvious ‘return to sender’ address and threats to punish have questionable credibility. In this context, denial offers a more realistic way of preventing terrorist attacks. Yet, the advanced means available to the US are deeply ethically problematic in liberal democratic societies. However, there would likely be even bigger questions if governments failed to act.


Author(s):  
L. L. FITUNI

The article is an attempt to predict the main trends of the political, cultural and ideological development of the Middle East in the  medium and long term, taking into account the impact of  international terrorism. To provide optimal solutions possible the  author identifies a number of core components. Basing this selection  he offers his vision of the likely behaviour of key state and non-state  actors as well as the forthcoming fate of the objects of their attention. In preparing the scenarios, the main methods of  predictive analytics were used: statistical analysis, intellectual  analysis of data, analysis of patterns and models conducted within  the framework of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research project  “The Phenomenon of the Islamic State” in the context of the development of a modern Eastern society. “The article is based  on an interpretation of the main conclusions and results of using those methods and methodologies. The article asserts that the recent growth of radical Islam in the East and political populism  in the West are close root causes. Despite all the differences in the  rhetoric and the outward forms, they represent a defensive response  on the part of those segments of Eastern and  Western societies that have failed to adjust to rigid paradigms of  globalization. Intra- and inter-confessional conflicts may become the  prevailing form of military threats in the region, beginning around  the 2020s. Their heralds are already visible in conflicts in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and, to a lesser extent, in Lebanon, Bahrain and on the east  coast of the Arabian Peninsula. Interstate Shiite-Sunni contradictions have so far been limited by political-ideological  confrontation and diplomatic demarches, sometimes accompanied by various embargoes, such as the recent Qatar crisis. Even the physical destruction of the selfproclaimed Islamic pseudo-state in MENA will take some time. Under favorable circumstances, ISIS units may be squeezed out of the important settlements of Syria and Iraq  within a year. This will not mean the end of ISIS. The experience of  the war with terrorist groups in Libya, Algeria, West Africa, Somalia,  Afghanistan, and Southeast Asia shows that even when driven out  into the desert or sparsely populated areas, fragmented but linked  groups of terrorists continue for quite some time to inflict harassing attacks on government forces and objects, to make long  sorties and to arrange spectacular acts of terrorism. Most likely, the  forces interested in maintaining the problems of international terrorism high on the agenda will not sit idly by but will  undertake spectacular and noteworthy actions to keep terrorism  issues in the limelight. As a result, the intensity of terrorist attacks in  the West may increase, since even limited terrorist attacks in  Europe cause more media coverage in the world media than any acts of terrorism in the Middle East. To achieve these goals, new channels and forms of imple mentation of terrorist attacks will  be used, such as terrorist acts involving children, ordinary means of  transport, during the course of mass and symbolic political events, elections, etc.


2017 ◽  
Vol 105 (4) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justyna Trubalska

Abstract Today we are seeing a systematic development of terrorist organisations in the world. Social, economic and political problems in Africa and the Middle East, as well as religious fundamentalism generate threats of terrorism. If we consider in this context both Poland’s geopolitical situation, and involvement in stabilisation operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, those factors make our country a potential target for terrorist attacks. Although for years the level of terrorist threat in Poland is assessed as low, the risk analysis of this kind cannot be underestimated in the context of the analysis of internal security of the state. The main aim of this article is to answer the question whether there is an effective counter-terrorism system in Poland. This is done by attempting to capture the essence and demonstrating its unique features by analysing its individual components, i.e. regulations, entities forming the analysed system and relationships between the indicated elements.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Hudson

This chapter examines the roots of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. It begins with an overview of the origins and development of the United States’s involvement in the region over the past century, focusing on the traditional American interests. It then considers the structure of Middle Eastern policymaking and its domestic political context, as well as Washington’s response to new regional tensions and upheavals since the late 1970s. It also discusses new developments in the region, including the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Al-Qaeda and the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the U.S.-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the Palestinian–Israeli impasse. The evolution of U.S. policy since 2000 in the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama is explored as well. The chapter concludes with an analysis of an ‘Obama doctrine’ and ‘American decline’ in the Middle East and the world.


2007 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund H. Mantell

This paper applies game theory to explore the economic incentives facing foreign nations sheltering terrorists. The players are a nation that has been a target of international terrorist activities and a nation that is a host (willing or unwilling) of international terrorists. The economics of multinational terrorism involve the costs to host nations of sanctions imposed by the U.S. and others, as well as the economic benefits transferred to the host nations by terrorist groups that they shelter. The main result shows that coalitions between international terrorists and their host nations allow the latter to sell licenses to terrorists thereby frustrating the counter-terrorist activities of victim nations.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-5
Author(s):  
Frank FU

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese.Asia is composed of a large number of countries spread over a long distance from east to west as well as north to south. It has been traditionally influenced by the colonial powers of Britain, France, Portugual, Spain and Holland and more recently, the U.S. After World War II,while most countries were enjoying a period of peace and prosperity, wars broke out in Korea, Vietnam, and the Middle East. The 1988 Olympics at Seoul was so successful that people again realised that Asia has many hidden resources. It is therefore fair to say that Asia is in transition with different countries responding differently to the impact of modernization and the influence of their natural heritage and past colonial power.亞洲是由一群廣佈東西南北的國家組成。它一向受著其他國家和勢力的影響。例如,較早期的英國,法國,葡萄牙,西班牙以及荷蘭等殖民勢力以致較近期的美國浪潮。第二次世界大戰後,正當大部份國家享受著和平和繁榮生活之際,戰爭卻在韓國、越南和中東相繼爆發。亞洲某些地域又吿進入烽火期。 到了一九八八年在韓國漢城舉行的奧林匹克運動會,運動員和主辦單位的成功又再顯示出亞洲擁有廣大有待發掘的資源。從這點我們可以説,亞洲各國現正處於既受殖民勢力和天然遺產的影響以及對現代化不同反應的過度期。


Author(s):  
Sarah Kreps ◽  
Matt Fuhrmann ◽  
Michael Horowitz

What are the causes and consequences of the proliferation of armed unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones? The chapter outlines several potential reasons why actors might acquire the technology: operational incentives, technological availability, regime type, and emulation before discussing the consequences of this acquisition. The consequences of drone proliferation are context dependent: drone proliferation carries potentially significant consequences for counter-terrorism operations and domestic control in authoritarian regimes. Drones lower the costs of using force by eliminating the risk to pilots, making some states—especially democracies—more likely to carry out targeted attacks against suspected militants. This technology also provides autocratic leaders with a new tool to bolster their domestic regime security. The chapter’s analysis has implications for a range of policy issues: the regulation of drone exports, the management of hotspots such as East Asia and the Middle East, and defense against potential terrorist attacks on the homeland.


Author(s):  
Farhan Zahid

After much deliberations and delays, the US-Taliban peace deal was finally inked on February 29th, 2020 (Asia, 2020). The long-awaited peace deal though officially considered as the end of the longest war in US history but does not seem likely to last long. The peace deal focuses on much-debated vital areas such as withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in phases (in 14 months); Taliban not to allow any Al-Qaeda presence or not to provide safe havens to Islamist terrorist groups in Afghanistan; talks between Taliban and Afghan government to begin soon; and, lifting of economic sanctions on the Taliban (US State Department, 2020). Scholars and researchers on the subject matter issues such as counter- terrorism, Afghanistan conflict, and peace negotiations are divided on the eventual outcome of this deal. Nonetheless, there are high hopes considering the success of this deal. The country has been facing the menace of terrorism and consecutive political violence since 1979, making it one of the oldest ongoing conflicts. Probably, the Afghans have suffered more than any other nation during civil wars, coups/revolutions, foreign invasions, Islamist extremist movements and insurgencies.


Author(s):  
Cannizzaro Enzo ◽  
Rasi Aurora

This Chapter focuses on the aerial strikes of the U.S. against Afghanistan and Sudan in 1998, in response to terrorist attacks against the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and in Kenya, attributed to Al Qaeda. The events and the reactions thereto are presented in the first two sections. The third section is devoted to the assessment of the legality of the US strikes. In particular, the authors will discuss the qualification of the strikes as a form of pre-emptive self-defence. The last section contextualises the 1998 strikes in an evolutionary perspective. In the authors’ view, these interventions have constituted a trial run for the doctrine of pre-emptive war, fully developed by the US Administration after the 9/11 terrorist attacks.


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