Transformation of Presidency in Italy (1978–2015)

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-47
Author(s):  
E. Bazhan

The article reviews key aspects of the Italian presidents' activity under A. Pertini, F. Kossiga, O.L. Scalfaro, C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi's and Giorgio Napolitano's presidency results, as well as of external factors correlating with these politicians' ratings, considering their significant influence on the head of state institute transformation during the period of their tenures. The aim of the paper is to review the examples of initiatives taken by C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano, which is necessary for highlighting new trends of the presidency development in Italy. Systematization and sequencing of popular approaches in the research allow to sort out distinctive characteristics of relations among three political actors: the head of state, political parties and the government. The author conducts comparative analysis of the two presidents' tenures results. The study of C.A. Ciampi's and G. Napolitano's ratings is carried out to determine a decision-making pattern. In the article, the examples of an informal instruments usage are considered, and their effectiveness is evaluated. In this respect, it is possible to review the transformation of the role of a president as an actor responsible for the country's political system stability. Relations between the prime-minister and the head of state are the subject for a separate consideration. In this article, the system analysis method together with other universal scientific approaches (comparative historical, institutional and structural-functional) are used. The contribution of this research consists of defining the role of informal instruments in the decision-making process. Unfortunately, in Russian bibliography, only limited attention is paid to domestic policy issues of the Second Italian Republic. However, the research conducted by the author should elucidate the specificity of presidency and its relations with other public institutes. This paper is addressed to scientists devoting themselves to the South Europe political research, particularly Italy, as well as to anyone interested in the Italian domestic policy issues. Additionally, it may be used in further comparative politics investigations, for the analysis of presidential activities in other European states.

Author(s):  
Anne-Marie D'Aoust

Foreign policy analysis (FPA) deals with the decision-making processes involved in foreign policy-making. As a field of study, FPA overlaps international relations (IR) theory and comparative politics. Studies that take into account either sex, women, or gender contribute to the development of knowledge on and about women in IR, which is in itself one of the goals of feminist scholarship. There are two main spheres of feminist inquiries when it comes to foreign policy: the role of women as sexed power holders involved in decision-making processes and power-sharing in the realm of foreign policy-making, and the role of gendered norms in the conduct and adoption of foreign policies. Many observers insist that feminism and foreign policy are linked only by a marriage of convenience, designed to either acknowledge the political accomplishments of women in the sphere of foreign policy such as Margaret Thatcher and Indira Ghandi, or bring attention to so-called “women’s issues,” such as reproduction rights and population control. Scholarship on women and/or gender in relation to foreign policy covers a wide range of themes, such as the role of women as political actors in decision-making processes and organizational structures; women’s human rights and gender mainstreaming; the impact of various foreign policies on women’s lives; and the concept of human security and the idea of women’s rights as a valid foreign policy objective. Three paradigms that have been explored as part of the study of women in comparative politics and IR are behavioralism, functionalism, and rational choice theory.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (06) ◽  
pp. 1503-1519 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Aliev ◽  
O. H. Huseynov ◽  
R. Serdaroglu

Real-world decision problems in decision analysis, system analysis, economics, ecology, and other fields are characterized by fuzziness and partial reliability of relevant information. In order to deal with such information, Prof. Zadeh suggested the concept of a Z-number as an ordered pair [Formula: see text] of fuzzy numbers [Formula: see text] and [Formula: see text], the first of which is a linguistic value of a variable of interest, and the second one is a linguistic value of probability measure of the first one, playing a role of reliability of information. Decision making under Z-number based information requires ranking of Z-numbers. In this paper we suggest a human-like fundamental approach for ranking of Z-numbers which is based on two main ideas. One idea is to compute optimality degrees of Z-numbers and the other one is to adjust the obtained degrees by using a human being’s opinion formalized by a degree of pessimism. Two examples and a real-world application are provided to show validity of the suggested research. A comparison of the proposed approach with the existing methods is conducted.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
Oleh Tkach

Formulation of the problem: The features of model of presidencialism in modern terms, possibility of application of presidencialism in democracy are analysed in the article. Analis of concept: politics, decision of political conflicts. The political factors of political strategies of presidencialism are considered, of institute of the president, as subject of conceptual power and democratic political system, as its object is investigated. It is shown, that the real model of political system contains oligarchic and antiolygarchic components, each of which can become prevailing. Purpose of the research: The purpose of the article is to carry out a theoretical and methodological analysis of the essence of the presidency as a subject of conceptual power in democratic political systems, to identify the structure of conceptual power, its role and place in the political system of society, to identify trends and to analyze the role of the processes of oligarchization in the functioning of democratic political systems, to uncover conceptual functions of the institution of presidency in western democratic political systems. The conceptual management of political system, preservation its of democratic definiteness, is a major task of presidential power. Using theoretical models D. Easton, E. Sedov, theory of needs A. Maslow and theory of social mobility of P. Sorokin has allowed to reveal static and dynamic parameters of political system, which optimization enables to support evolutionary character of political development.There are several alternative concepts of democracy. At the same time, one of them is legally codified and reigns. That is why political power is usually forced to act in an anti-democratic way on an alternative concept. Institutions of state power, thanks to sustainability, mobility and resource intensiveness, can support and even impose those norms and goals that are not entirely in the interests of society as integrity, or vice versa – the interests of individual, usually the most active individuals and social groups are not taken into account and even sacrificed in general. There is a significant imbalance of interests that threatens the existence of a democratic social system. Consequently, the task arises to develop objective indicators, which should be guided by the head of state, in order to assess the favorable or unfavorable tendencies in the political system.The purpose of the article and the task. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges and global development. For empirical research, the factual basis was used, which was compiled by an expert survey of Ukrainian specialists-political scientists. Practical and systematic methods were used to analyze the system of relations from four perspectives: influence presidents power. Functional and general historiographical methods were also used. Methods of analysis and synthesis allowed exploring the features. In order to implement these methods, such methodological techniques as analogy, comparison, generalization and extrapolation were used. The method for analyzing the situation (studying documents, comparing, etc.) was used to study international and political processes in the USA, exploratory methods (in particular, content analysis) for the analysis of high-level documents and speeches, which in turn helped identify and outline the trends in foreign policy of the countries of the region. Conclusions. The experience of western (Western, liberal-democratic) political systems suggests that the function of supporting the democratic model of the political system is the responsibility of the president. In this case, the president plays the role of either the head of the executive (political manager of the higher rank), or the formal head of state, or these functions combine. In the context of the political crisis, the president takes steps to preserve the democratic system of society. The complex of these activities includes the function of supporting the democratic nature of the political system.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES I. WALSH

The field of comparative politics has begun to take seriously the role of ideas in politics, but to date this interest has not clearly specified the conditions under which ideas influence public policy. The author develops an integrated framework that shows ideas about policy goals and instruments are most influential when they do not attract substantial opposition from voters and interest groups and when political institutions concentrate decision-making authority. The author tests this framework by examining the fates of three ideas, facing different degrees of societal opposition and concentrated authority, adopted by the first Thatcher government in Britain.


1981 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. Kirby

By a review of a series of comparable decisions in the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) some of the problems that may arise as the jurisdiction and role of the AAT continues to expand in the review on the merits of Commonwealth administrative decisions are identified. The problems include first, the apparent difficulty for democratic theory of unelected tribunal members (including persons who are also judges) reviewing policy determined by elected Ministers; secondly, the creation of a dichotomy between decisions made by the AAT and decisions of public servants faithfully and more consistently applying Ministerial policy; thirdly, the limitation upon the membership and procedures of the AAT which restrict any truly effective wide-ranging review of government policy; and, fourthly, the potential damage to community confidence in the judiciary, by the involvement of judges in the frank determination of controversial matters of public policy. The role of policy-making in the courts is acknowledged and similarities and differences in the function of the courts and the AAT in the review of policy issues are indicated. It is concluded that the AAT will require all arms of government in Australia to face more precisely the role of policy in adjudicative decision-making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-203
Author(s):  
Dmitry O. Gordienko

The paper analyses the processes of a modern state development on the example of a regular army development as a basis of the national military system. The author considers the relationship between the development of foreign and domestic policy issues under the Late Tudors. The author analyzes the role of force-based decision-making of the most important issues in decision-making by the Crown under the First Stuarts. The author also analyzes the heavy legacy of the Protectorate regime in terms of the populations acceptance of the idea of a regular army existence. The difficulties encountered by the Stuart dynasty in solving this problem are shown. The problems of financing the Royal army were the main reasons why the active part of the population didnt support the existence of a regular army. The process of creating the Royal regular army is shown on the background of broad European practices of the Great century. The main vectors of British foreign policy development are shown from the continental confrontation with the United Provinces and France to the colonial coexistence with Spain and France. In addition, a conclusion is drawn about the continuity of military construction by the ruling regimes in England of the XVII century. Practices undertaken by the Tudors, James I, Charles I, Lord Protector Cromwell and the age of Restoration sovereigns are shown.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-56
Author(s):  
Pius Kahangirwe

This paper reflects on the adequacy of strategic environmental assessment (SEA) reports based on a comparative analysis of SEA reports from five country contexts randomly selected. It briefly examines the role of SEA in basin or catchment planning and management. An overview on institutional and organizational context of SEA in Uganda is discussed. Although, SEA has been described as being a tool to improve strategic decision-making by integrating environmental issues into plans, policies and programmes, there is a growing concern on the adequacy of the SEA reports being prepared and how these reports come about. To be able to determine the adequacy of these SEA reports, the analysis focused on the stages of SEA that guide the SEA process. The results of the study show some examples of effective SEA practice, but still some of the case studies never dug deep but rather scratched the surface in terms of SEA process effectiveness. Based on key findings of the study, some recommendations for improving SEA practice for catchment planning are provided. SEA reports should be presenting key issues, providing clear proposals and conclusive results to facilitate the integration of SEA findings in decision-making. As that’s what SEA is about.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-65
Author(s):  
Sidra Akram ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Parliament is an exclusive and unique representative institution and performs key functions such as law-making, representation of constituents, amending laws, highlighting and aspirations their issues and through resolutions prescribe solutions to such key challenges faced by the polity. Parliament established on the behalf of people to represent their voice and provide them opportunities for more participatory and open governance. This research focused upon the performance of both lower Houses of Canada and Pakistan in 21st Century. The performance of the parliamentarian will also examine in this study. This comparative study will extend the boundaries of comparative politics and system analysis theory. This research discussed the role of parliament and basically the legislation process in parliament. Legislation in parliaments of new democracies and comparative study is useful research topic in Political Science and will provide a guideline to parliamentarians to work better.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Inura Fernando

This article seeks to highlight the differences in the jurisprudence on the justiciability of climate change in Canada and the United States. Underpinning this article are questions about the appropriate role of the judiciary in addressing polycentric policy issues. This article will first outline the policy context in which legal issues of climate change are framed. Second, this article will explore the general doctrines of justiciability in Canada and the United States, and how these interrelate with specific doctrines on the justiciability of climate change. The author argues that, with respect to the justiciability of climate change, the approach of the courts in the United States is more principled than that of the Canadian courts, the Canadian approach being more broadly framed. This is because the United States approach encompasses the classic strand of the political questions doctrine. Conversely, though the courts in Canada deny the existence of an American-style political questions doctrine, they unwittingly follow its prudential strand. This has negative implications for legal reasoning. This means that despite contrary appearances from the United States executive, the courts in the United States provide a stronger framework for the protection of the climate. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Moury ◽  
Arco Timmermans

In this article, we focus on manifest interparty conflict over policy issues and the role of coalition agreements in solving these conflicts. We present empirical findings on the characteristics of coalition agreements including deals over policy controversy and on inter-party conflict occurring during the lifetime of governments in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands. We analyze the ways in which parties in government were or were not constrained by written deals over disputed issues. Coalition agreements from all four countries include specific policy deals, one third of which are precisely defined. These policy deals concern both consensual and controversial issues. Our central finding is that, in the case of intra-party conflict, parties almost always fall back on the initial policy deals when these exist. As such, policy statements of the coalition agreement facilitate decision making in each of the countries studied.


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