scholarly journals The Problem of Terrorist Activity of Jihadists from Central Asia in the West

Author(s):  
A. Yashlavskii

A number of terrorist acts committed in different parts of Europe and America by radical immigrants from the post-Soviet states of Central Asia, as well as other manifestations of extremist activity, on the one hand, fit into the general global context of jihadist terrorism, and on the other hand, represent a phenomenon with its own specific features. In part, this specificity is determined by the policy of the Central Asian governments to “squeeze out” radicals and extremists from their countries, and in part, it is connected with the high migration mobility of people from the region. At the same time, against the background of attempts by transnational terrorist networks to use the terrorist activity of immigrants from the Central Asian region for their propaganda purposes, it should be noted that the phenomenon of “lone terrorists” will grow in this environment.

Author(s):  
Boris G. Koybaev

Central Asia in recent history is a vast region with five Muslim States-new actors in modern international relations. The countries of Central Asia, having become sovereign States, at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries are trying to peaceful interaction not only with their underdeveloped neighbors, but also with the far-off prosperous West. At the same time, the United States and Western European countries, in their centrosilic ambitions, seek to increase their military and political presence in Central Asia and use the military bases of the region’s States as a springboard for supplying their troops during anti-terrorist and other operations. With the active support of the West, the Central Asian States were accepted as members of the United Nations. For monitoring and exerting diplomatic influence on the regional environment, the administration of the President of the Russian Federation H. W. Bush established U.S. embassies in all Central Asian States. Turkey, a NATO member and secular Islamic state, was used as a lever of indirect Western influence over Central Asian governments, and its model of successful development was presented as an example to follow.


Numen ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Scott

AbstractThe paper deals with the encounter and ensuing responses that can be traced between Buddhism and Islam, during their centuries of contact across Asia (Anatolia, Iran, Central Asia, India), and more recently in the West. Within this panorama of history certain immediate overtly negative images of the other can be perceived in both traditions, manifested in terms of actions and literature. However some more positive images seem to have crystallised in Islam, particularly and significantly within the mystical Sufi streams that emerged in the East Iranian and Central Asian lands. Such historical patterns of confrontation, convergence and mysticism lead into the more modern second part of the study. A geographical-political perspective is first used, as the variations in their relationship in the various countries of SE Asia, and the British situation are noted. This is followed by a review of potential approaches between Islam and Buddhism in the current inter-faith dialogue arena. Whilst some doctrinal areas may be reconcilable (according to Cleary), it is primarily in other areas that more promising avenues of approach may be discerned. One is the area of ethics and social action on issues of common concern, as suggested by figures like Badawi, Gilliat, Askari and Vajiragnana. Another one is in contemplational areas of mysticism, as acknowledged by figures like Idries Shah. In both areas this can be echoed in greater clarity in the Christian-Buddhist dialogue. A further implication may be to bring out the need to view religions in functionalist and transformational terms, rather than culture bound doctrinal norms.


Author(s):  
JOHN BOARDMAN

This chapter discusses the interest of the west in the history of Central Asia. It explains that central Asia has been studied by many western scholars and explorers, including British archaeologist Aurel Stein and traveller Sir John de Maundeville. Central Asia figured prominently in the days of political concerns about the safety of British India in the nineteenth century and this generated the interest of scholars. Today, the boom in Central Asian studies is further encouraged by the presence in Britain of those who have worked in this field and the source of many new publications on both prehistoric and historic periods.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-107
Author(s):  
Jovid Ikromov

In this article, the place of Central Asia, particularly of Tajikistan, in the Eurasian continent has been examined. The slow and confident transfer of engine of the world economy from the West to the East and South increasing the role of the countries located between them. Located between Europe, Russia and South Asia, five Central Asian countries are interested in the development and participation in broader transcontinental trade and transit corridors connecting in all directions. Tajikistan has a unique opportunity to become a hub of trade and transit as it is located at the crossroads of growing ties between South and Central Asia.


Author(s):  
А. Абулаити

Аннотация. Данная статья посвящена проблемам международной политики КНР в Центральной Азии и сотрудничеству с Кыргызстаном в рамках инициативы «Один пояс – один путь». В работе рассматривается понятие китайского регионализма, специфика международной политики Китая, роль Китая в Центральной Азии. Раскрываются особенности взаимоотношения КНР с центральноазиатскими республиками в торговом, экономическом и политическом отношениях. Ключевые слова: Глобализация, регионализм, Инициатива “Один пояс – один путь”, Китай, СУАР, Центральная Азия, Кыргызстан, «сообщество единой судьбы», периферийная дипломатия, Конфуцианство, политика «марш на запад», Экономический пояс шелкового пути. Аннотация. Бул макала Кытайдын "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгесинин алкагындагы Борбордук Азияга карата саясаты жана Кыргызстан менен кызматташуусу көйгөйүнө арналган. Аткарылган иште Кытай регионализми түшүнүгү, Кытайдын эл аралык саясатынын өзгөчөлүктөрү, Кытайдын Борбор Азиядагы ролу каралат. Кытайдын Борбордук Азия өлкөлөрү менен соода-экономикалык жана саясий мамилелеринин өзгөчөлүктөрү аныкталат. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Глобалдашуу, Регионализм, "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгеси, Кытай, СУАР, Борбордук Азия, Кыргызстан, "Адамзаттын бирдиктүү тагдырынын жамааты”, перифериялык дипломатия, Конфуцийизм, "Батышка жүрүш" саясаты, Жибек Жолунун экономикалык алкагы. Abstract. This article is devoted to the problems of China’s international policy in Central Asia and cooperation with Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the «One Belt - One Way» initiative. The paper examines the concept of Chinese regionalism, the specificity of China’s international policy, China’s role in Central Asia within the trade, economic, and political relations with the Central Asian republics. Keywords: Globalization, regionalism, BRI, China, XUAR, Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan, community of shared destiny, peripheral diplomacy, Confucianism, “Go-West” policy, Silk Road Economic Belt


Lex Russica ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 73-82
Author(s):  
I. I. Aminov

The paper examines the progressive significance of the entry of Parthia, Margiana, Khorezm and other regions of Central Asia into the structure of the Achaemenid State, the political regime of which had no obvious features of the occupation order based on the brutal exploitation of the conquered peoples, but rather flexible and adapted to the specificities of each area. The unification of the Central Asian peoples under the authority of the Achaemenid dynasty was also facilitated by their national, linguistic and mental similarities, since the Persians, on the one hand, the Saks, the Dahs, the Parthian, the Caspian, Khorezmians — on the other, were in previous epochs related to peoples and, most likely showed a tendency to political consolidation.On this basis it is concluded that the power of the Persian kings among the peoples of Central Asia, despite separatist tendencies and a number of anti-government speeches, was legitimate. Mutual cooperation and strong ties between the center and the provinces led to stability, peace, the creation of favorable conditions for the development of economic and trade relations, the establishment of regular monetary treatment, respect for the cultural, religious and linguistic identity of peoples and the balance of interests of social communities. The Achaemenid rule introduced in the history of legal thought the idea of fighting between the good and the evil, the proportionality of personal and State interests, the codification of the laws of the conquering peoples, their legal customs and religious norms in accordance with the general imperial law.This historical and legal experience was not only creatively perceived and applied by geopolitical successors of the Achaemenid state — Alexander the Great, Seleucids, Arshakid and Sassanid, but also in the context of modern national and state interests may be relevant for the Russian Federation, Iran, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan — leaders of the modern integration, defining the foreign policy and geopolitical orientations of the Central Asian region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-995
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
Elizaveta D. Trifonova

The article examines the views of modern French researchers on the relations between Russia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This allows us to identify various interpretations of Russian foreign policy, and to understand the main approaches of French scholars analyzing the goals and tasks of Russian geostrategy in the region. As the article demonstrates, French historiography, along with the objectivist view on the Central Asian vector in Russian foreign policy, also includes works of ideological nature. Special emphasis is put on French works that focus on Russian political authors who speak of Russias neo-imperialism. These studies explain the Russian policy in Central Asia through the ruling elites ambition to resurrect an empire in the post-Soviet space and to return superpower status to Russia. Of special interest is the position of authors who try to explain the Russian attitude to the Central Asian region as, on the one hand, an expression of nostalgic feelings harbored by a great part of the population about the nations former greatness, assuming that these feelings have an impact on the leaderships policies, and on the other hand, as the Russian leaderships attempt to use Russias active return to the international arena for the consolidation and self-identification of society. It is observed that some French authors speak of a New Great Game. This very popular concept considers the actions of Russia and other powers operating in the region (USA and China) as a continuation of the historical rivalry between the Russian and British empires in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Russian authors have always been interested in French historiography; this is due to the latters scientific prestige and objectivity, and in particular its application of methodologies that further develop the tradition of the Annales School. At the same time, the growing French scholarship on the issue of Russia and post-Soviet Central Asian republics has not yet been subject to close and complex consideration, which defines the novelty of the article.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (7) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
D. Malysheva

The article analyzes the innovations that determine the main directions and specific characteristics of international political competition in Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to political alternatives presented by the leading partners of the Central Asian countries – Russia, China, Turkey and Iran. In the context of the rivalry unfolding in the post-Soviet Central Asian space, the multi-vector policy of the five Central Asian states opens up a “window of opportunity” for various external forces to influence political and economic processes in the region in such a way that its states become objects of multilateral contention. Russia, which has the most powerful economic and military-political resource in the CIS, has a serious potential to promote its interests in Central Asia. They are primarily aiming at maintaining political stability in the Asian part of the post-Soviet space. Russia is also initiating many integration innovations in Central Asia, developing military cooperation with the countries of the region. At the same time, in Central Asia, Russia is confronted by rival forces. In the forefront is China. This great power has significantly expanded its influence in Central Asia, especially within the framework of the One Belt, One Road initiative. Economic, political, and cultural structures operating in Central Asia under the aegis of Turkey act often as alternatives to Russian integration projects. But Turkey, like Iran, has restrictions on its activities in Central Asia. Therefore, the effectiveness of the policy of these large Middle Eastern states is lower than that of Russia and China. China, Russia, and Iran are motivated to limit US influence in Eurasia, which occasionally drives them closer. In a sense, Turkey agrees with the idea of reducing the political presence of non-regional states in Central Asia. But when the US ceases to be a priority in the foreign policy of all four states, the rivalry between them may re-emerge. This will inevitably lead to a clash of interests, an increase in competition of ideas, integration projects, political and military strategies.


1977 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Aiken Littauer

Petroglyphs of light, spoked-wheeled chariots have recently been discovered in Armenia, in the Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan and Tadzhikistan and in the western Gobi. These will have to be considered in any future general surveys of chariotry. Although some have not yet received full publication, and although not all publications have been accessible to the author, the carvings seem too important to wait longer before being brought to the attention of the West. Lacking archaeological contexts, most of them have been dated only roughly by their publishers on the basis of typology. We shall not attempt here to appraise these datings, but by pointing to differences or similarities between these chariots and ones east or west, in both manner of rendering and in what is known of the actual construction of extant vehicles, we may provide greater means for doing so.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-633
Author(s):  
Ulfatbek Abdurasulov

Abstract The existing historiography on liaisons between Russia and Central Asia in early modern period often tends to portray the cross-cultural diplomacy between the settings as an assemblage of sporadic, inefficient, clumsy encounters, full of diplomatic failures. Further to it, the dominant paradigm emphasizes cultural differences in the region, whereby any form of cross-cultural encounters was inevitably hampered by various confessional, religious and social borders. As a result, we tend to read every case of cross-cultural encounter between early modern Central Asia and Russia as a metaphor of cultural incommensurability. In the essay, I shall offer a close reading of two 17th-century Muscovite diplomatic missions to Central Asia as test cases with which to make sense of cultural encounters through the lens of individual actors. In doing so, I shall highlight the specific practices and strategies that allowed the diplomatic actors to play key roles as cultural mediators using their language skills, local knowledge and contact networks. In the broader sense, the essay set out to examine how can we problematize cross-cultural encounters between Central Asian principalities such as Khiva and Bukhara on the one hand, and Pre-Petrine Russia on the other: and to consider what we actually mean when we speak of early modern diplomacy in Central Eurasia.


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