scholarly journals Kazakhstan and Prospects for Regional Cooperation in Central Asia

Author(s):  
B. Sultanov

A number of factors hinder regional cooperation in Central Asia. They include multidirectional foreign policy priorities of the countries of the region and unresolved acute regional problems (territorial borders, water and energy, environmental, transport and communication, agricultural and food). The ruling elites of the countries of the region may fail to resist the temptation to channel population's dissatisfaction with the difficult socio-economic situation into the mainstream of interethnic and interstate conflicts. Therefore, there can be no question of Central Asian integration.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-995
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
Elizaveta D. Trifonova

The article examines the views of modern French researchers on the relations between Russia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This allows us to identify various interpretations of Russian foreign policy, and to understand the main approaches of French scholars analyzing the goals and tasks of Russian geostrategy in the region. As the article demonstrates, French historiography, along with the objectivist view on the Central Asian vector in Russian foreign policy, also includes works of ideological nature. Special emphasis is put on French works that focus on Russian political authors who speak of Russias neo-imperialism. These studies explain the Russian policy in Central Asia through the ruling elites ambition to resurrect an empire in the post-Soviet space and to return superpower status to Russia. Of special interest is the position of authors who try to explain the Russian attitude to the Central Asian region as, on the one hand, an expression of nostalgic feelings harbored by a great part of the population about the nations former greatness, assuming that these feelings have an impact on the leaderships policies, and on the other hand, as the Russian leaderships attempt to use Russias active return to the international arena for the consolidation and self-identification of society. It is observed that some French authors speak of a New Great Game. This very popular concept considers the actions of Russia and other powers operating in the region (USA and China) as a continuation of the historical rivalry between the Russian and British empires in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Russian authors have always been interested in French historiography; this is due to the latters scientific prestige and objectivity, and in particular its application of methodologies that further develop the tradition of the Annales School. At the same time, the growing French scholarship on the issue of Russia and post-Soviet Central Asian republics has not yet been subject to close and complex consideration, which defines the novelty of the article.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-296
Author(s):  
R. A. Valeeva

After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.


Author(s):  
B. Bahriev

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Shakhnoza Akramjanovna Azimbayeva ◽  

This article examines the role and place of British think tanks in the design and development of the country’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian region. This issue is studied in combination with an analysis of the history of the formation of British think tanks, the positions of these centers in relation to Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century after the collapse of the USSR and the state of modern think tanks that study Central Asia and their influence on the decision-making process in Great Britain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
E. V. Kryzhko ◽  
P. I. Pashkovsky

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Ziegler

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.


Author(s):  
Fabio Indeo

The main aim of this article is to evaluate the impact of the China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and of Uzbekistan's proactive regional policy to promote regional interconnectivity and to develop an “endogenous” cooperation mainly focused on the strategic interests of Central Asian countries. Within the BRI, Central Asia holds a strategic relevance, because this region is crossed by two of the six main BRI corridor projects – the China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor and the Eurasian land bridge – which will contribute to improve regional cooperation and connections among these countries. For Central Asian republics, BRI represents an attractive project benefiting of Chinese huge investments aimed to boost infrastructures and to develop national economies. Under Mirziyoyev's leadership, Uzbekistan has undertaken a proactive and constructive regional diplomacy in Central Asia, based on the improvement of relations and cooperation with other Central Asian republics, which has become a key priority of Tashkent's foreign policy.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Kamen Velichkov

Geography and a preference for regional approaches have an impact on EU foreign policy. From the EU perspective, the countries of Central Asia are classified as “neighbors of EU neighbors.” The EU’s policies assume the existence of strong centripetal forces in the Eurasian heartland, whereas in fact the regionalization is still in the initial stages there. Consequently, EU foreign policy in Central Asia pursues both structural and relational objectives. The specific goals and performance of EU member states add a two-tier dimension to this process. In parallel with other external actors such as Japan, the United States, South Korea, and India, the European Union conducts its dialogue and cooperation with the Central Asian states in a 5+1 format. Compared to the policies of China, Turkey, or Russia, the EU has much more limited influence. It primarily aims to support the independent development of the Central Asian countries, for which some degree of regionalization appears to be a prerequisite.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 029-038
Author(s):  
Farrukh Usmonov ◽  
Fumiaki Inagaki

The states of the Central Asian region obtained their independence in 1991 and have been undergoing a turbulent transition process, such as civil war, cross-border conflicts, revolution and socio-political reforms. Japan has been furthering its cooperation with the Central Asian countries since the day diplomatic relations were established. Despite only a 25-year history of cooperation, Japan has developed numerous and diverse patterns of involvement in the Central Asian region. There is a positive attitude towards Japan and Japanese people among the population of Central Asian countries. This work explores the features of Japanese soft power policy and its development in Central Asia. The core of the multilateral collaboration format in Japanese Central Asian Policy is “Central Asia + Japan,” which aims to promote inter-regional and intra-regional cooperation among the Central Asian states.


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