A study to investigate the muted ness of a group of local entrepreneurs in Indian state of Odisha and its impact on the skill development initiatives of the state

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
partha sarathi
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anshuman Behera

The scheduled areas (SA) of central and eastern India, many of which are affected by the Maoist violence, have been subjected to systematic deprivation of natural resources, long-standing marginalization, poverty and economic underdevelopment. Various development and governance schemes that are packaged with the brand of ‘Good Governance and Development’ in these areas have aggravated deprivation in terms of land alienation, lack of autonomy of the local communities and multiple exploitations. The Maoists who claim to represent the local communities are often seen imposing their authoritarian diktats over these communities. On the other hand, the Indian state uses a military approach to fight the Maoist violence along with promotion of development initiatives to address the local discontents. The prolonged conflict between the state and the Maoists exposes the local communities to continued exploitation and deprivation. This article highlights the contradictions between the governance mechanisms and development measures vis-à-vis the constitutional provisions related to the autonomy of local communities in the SA. Subsequently, the article interrogates the politics of control and management of natural resources through governance mechanisms and development initiatives. Second, the article identifies the commonalities between the state and the Maoists in terms of their control over the local communities. The article argues that the state-led initiatives and the Maoist movement are both instruments in sustaining the conflict and alienation of the local communities.


Author(s):  
Peer Ghulam Nabi Suhail

This chapter begins with tracing the roots of colonialism in India, followed by understanding its various structures and processes of resource-grabbing. It argues, that India has largely followed the colonial approach towards land appropriation. After independence, although the Indian state followed a nationalistic path of development, the developmental approach of the state was far from being pro-peasant and/or pro-ecology. In a similar fashion, hydroelectricity projects in Kashmir, developed by NHPC from 1970s, have been displacing thousands of peasants from their lands and houses. Despite this, they are yet to become a major debate in the media, in the policy circles, or in academia in India.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097370302110620
Author(s):  
S. Limakumba Walling ◽  
Tumbenthung Y. Humtsoe

The state of Nagaland came into existence in 1963, with the union government granting special status to the state under Article 371A of the Indian constitution. These special provisions safeguard the indigenous social and customary practices and economic resources from the interventions and policies of the union government sans state legislature’s concurring resolution on the same. The special status while protecting the aforementioned rights of the Nagas creates a contrasting duality of sorts—in that modern market based democratic and economic institutions coexist with the traditional institutions. This blending of the old and the new often creates contestations and contradictions within the state’s political, social and economic spheres. In understanding these issues besieging Nagaland, neoliberal narratives of development economics and policy prescriptions thereof may be ill-disposed. The present article attempts to unravel the factors arresting economic development in the state by analysing various macroeconomic indicators. It is suggested that at the core lies the conflict between an attempt to establish a modern market-based economy with private ownership and that of a tribal-community based economic rights with customary laws and practices. The imperative role of the state government is emphasised to provide a mechanism for resolving the economic questions and ushering in development while preserving the rights of the indigenous people.


Author(s):  
Sumit Ganguly ◽  
William R. Thompson

This concluding chapter focuses on India's state-capacity problems and prospects. Its population may become the world's largest, its economy is becoming one of the world's largest, and its military power will probably move along at least a similar upward trajectory. Yet just about everything concerning India is characterized by developmental handicaps of one sort or another. Too many people are poor, infrastructure is lacking, and demands on the state for action to remedy these problems are multiplying. The Indian state, on the other hand, is characterized by a mixture of strengths and weaknesses. It scores high on its democratic attributes but much less so on its overall effectiveness. It has been and continues to be plagued by peripheral insurgencies and separatist movements. Moreover, its extraction capacity has improved but still has a long way to go, given the tasks the state needs to undertake.


Author(s):  
Sumit Ganguly ◽  
William R. Thompson

This chapter examines violence monopoly. Violence monopoly refers to whether the state is capable of establishing an order in which its claim to be the ultimate and principal employer of coercion goes largely unchallenged. The more often states are challenged, and the more intense the nature of the challengers, the less likely the state is to survive as the central institution of a political system. A poor showing in the violence monopoly category is one of the Indian state's greatest vulnerabilities in terms of state capacity. It will need to be improved upon simply to maintain order. Yet it is doubtful that the Indian state will improve in this area rapidly.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani ◽  
K. Raju

This article argues that the Indian state can develop the capacity to deliver economic rights in a citizen-friendly way, despite serious challenges posed by patronage politics and clientelism. Clientelistic politics reveals why the Indian state fails to deliver the basic rights such as the right to work, health and education. We argue that the ability of the state to deliver owes a lot to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas in a path-dependent way. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after they have gained a fair amount of traction within the state. We test the powering and puzzling leading to a tipping point model on the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in undivided Andhra Pradesh (AP). How and why did undivided AP develop the capacity to make reach employment to the rural poor, when many other states failed to implement the right to work in India?


Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar

Attracted by the new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), political actors across the world have adopted computer-based systems for use in government as a means of reforming inefficiencies in public administration. This book chapter critically examines the convergent use of the new digital technologies and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) within the reform of government administration, through the in-depth examination of a central case study focused around a collaboration between the government of the Indian state of Karnataka and the non-profit eGovernments Foundation, from 2002 to 2006; a partnership which sought to reform existing methods of property taxation via the establishment of an online platform-system across the municipalities of 56 towns and cities within the state. The research analyses prevailing actor behaviour and interactions, their impact on the interplay of local contingencies and external influences shaping project implementation, and the disjunctions in these relationships which inhibit the effective exploitation of ICTs within the given context.


2018 ◽  
pp. 269-302
Author(s):  
Anandita Bajpai

The Conclusion presents a review of the key findings. It draws the consistencies and the inconsistencies in the rhetoric of Prime Ministers Rao, Vajpayee, Singh and Modi. It engages in a transversal discussion of how the vocabularies of Nehru’s ‘New India’ differ from the texture of the ‘New India’ after 1991. The next section elaborates on the category of what I have called ‘Airport Literature’ (mainly because of its overwhelming presence at Indian airports). This literature celebrates India’s market liberalization and is part of the changes it seeks to glorify. The conclusion discusses how the genre of speeches speaks to this genre of literature. The last section returns to the debate of New World Orders to establish how the Indian state has attempted to recalibrate its position in the wider changing architecture of geopolitics and open markets and how the PMs as the voice of the state have attempted to legitimize their own authority as the voice of the nation.


Author(s):  
Ramprasad Sengupta

Chapter 2 focuses on the indicators of social sustainability basing alternatively on absolute or relative deprivation of people’s opportunities of consumption, or on the extent of attainment of human capability, enabling people to access a decent life. It has traced the relationship between deprivation—in both absolute and relative sense—and social tension conceived as social welfare loss according to some social welfare function, which underlies any indicator of development. After reviewing briefly the comparative state of inequality-adjusted level of development across developing countries, the chapter focussed on the analysis of the state of poverty, inequality, and measure of social tension (based on poverty gap or Gini coefficient) for the rural and urban sectors separately using the Indian state-level data to assess the state of social sustainability of the Indian economic system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-551
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Iwanek

Abstract This article focuses on how Hindu nationalists interpret the term ‘secularism’ in Hindi. I will refer to two Hindi translations of ‘secularism’: dharmnirpekṣtā and panthnirpekṣtā. The first one means indifference towards religion and the second indifference towards communities. My main point is that the Hindu nationalists’ strategy of referring to old, Sanskrit meanings of dharm (which means ‘law’ and ‘order’ aside ‘religion’ and other concepts) make it possible for them to criticise dharmnirpekṣtā and choose panthnirpekṣtā instead. Their position is that the state can only be indifferent to communities and not to dharm, as the latter would also mean being indifferent to ‘law’ and ‘order’. Such an approach helps the Hindu nationalists to claim to be in agreement with the idea of secular Indian state on one hand and promote their religion-linked ideology on the other.


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