Political Economy of Development in the Indian State of Nagaland: Issues and Challenges

2021 ◽  
pp. 097370302110620
Author(s):  
S. Limakumba Walling ◽  
Tumbenthung Y. Humtsoe

The state of Nagaland came into existence in 1963, with the union government granting special status to the state under Article 371A of the Indian constitution. These special provisions safeguard the indigenous social and customary practices and economic resources from the interventions and policies of the union government sans state legislature’s concurring resolution on the same. The special status while protecting the aforementioned rights of the Nagas creates a contrasting duality of sorts—in that modern market based democratic and economic institutions coexist with the traditional institutions. This blending of the old and the new often creates contestations and contradictions within the state’s political, social and economic spheres. In understanding these issues besieging Nagaland, neoliberal narratives of development economics and policy prescriptions thereof may be ill-disposed. The present article attempts to unravel the factors arresting economic development in the state by analysing various macroeconomic indicators. It is suggested that at the core lies the conflict between an attempt to establish a modern market-based economy with private ownership and that of a tribal-community based economic rights with customary laws and practices. The imperative role of the state government is emphasised to provide a mechanism for resolving the economic questions and ushering in development while preserving the rights of the indigenous people.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhat Patnaik

India had been envisioned as a federation by our Constitution makers, and so states were assigned some important subjects in which the centre could have no or only limited authority. Thus state governments run by opposition parties could pursue policies different from those of the Central Government in a number of ways. But since the onset of economic ‘liberalisation’ beginning with the late 1980s the financial strength and economic role of the state governments have been constantly undermined. This came, first, through the raising of interest rates to attract foreign finance capital, which created budgetary crises for the states since they fell under heavy debt simply to pay interest on existing debt. Neo-liberal policies were then imposed on them by Finance Commissions which made compliance with these compulsory for centre’s financial assistance. More recently the states’ powers have been further curtailed by the Goods and Services Tax, which has deprived the state government of the power to determine tax rates on goods produced within the states. Another means to the same end has been the centre’s trade agreements with foreign countries, with no reference made to states whose products thereby may be priced out of the market. The demonetisation of 2016, which impacted so destructively on employment and the cooperative sector in the states, was also undertaken by the centre without any reference to the states.


Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar

The recent global diffusion of Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) has raised expectations for technological change to support socio-economic progress and political reform in the developing as well as the developed world. Much as been written about e-government within a growing stream of literature on ICT for development, generating countervailing perspectives where optimistic, technocratic approaches are countered by far more sceptical standpoints on technological innovation. In seeking to bridge existing gaps in the literature, this article critically examines the role of Information and Communication Technologies in governmental reform processes for development through the presentation of a case study based in the Indian State of Karnataka. The study focuses on a collaboration between the state government of Karnataka and the eGovernments Foundation (a non-profit private sector organisation) between 2002 and 2011, designed to reform existing methods of property tax collection through the establishment of a networked online tax collection system across the municipalities of 56 towns and cities within the state. Through a combination of both qualitative and quantitative data, this paper analyses the interactions between new technologies and changing information flows within the complexities of public administration reform of the given context and, in doing so, examines the interplay of local and external factors and relationships and their role in shaping the implementation of the project at hand.


2016 ◽  
pp. 791-815
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar

The recent global diffusion of Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) has raised expectations for technological change to support socio-economic progress and political reform in the developing as well as the developed world. Much as been written about e-government within a growing stream of literature on ICT for development, generating countervailing perspectives where optimistic, technocratic approaches are countered by far more sceptical standpoints on technological innovation. In seeking to bridge existing gaps in the literature, this article critically examines the role of Information and Communication Technologies in governmental reform processes for development through the presentation of a case study based in the Indian State of Karnataka. The study focuses on a collaboration between the state government of Karnataka and the eGovernments Foundation (a non-profit private sector organisation) between 2002 and 2011, designed to reform existing methods of property tax collection through the establishment of a networked online tax collection system across the municipalities of 56 towns and cities within the state. Through a combination of both qualitative and quantitative data, this paper analyses the interactions between new technologies and changing information flows within the complexities of public administration reform of the given context and, in doing so, examines the interplay of local and external factors and relationships and their role in shaping the implementation of the project at hand.


1989 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-60

Creation of an industrial culture is always a slow and difficult process, especially for high-tech industries in backward areas. In such circumstances, what is the role of the state government and the management in creating this culture? What parameters should be used to evaluate demands for wage rise? These are some of the questions that the diagnostic case, The Bajaj Lockout, raises. The casewriter and other experts from the academic and the practising worlds provide us their diagnoses of the case. To promote and foster healthy industrial relations, Kher emphasizes the need to educate the workers in fair negotiation practices while Shelat elaborates on the role of the state government in ensuring an ideal industrial climate. Joseph highlights the role of systematic grievance handling procedures whereas Sarkar observes that faulty recruitment policy combined with the promotion of an internal trade union are sure indicators of deficient personnel management. Removing barriers to communication: between workers and the manageme~t and introducing participative rrianagament will contribute to better industrial relations concludes Saha.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-134
Author(s):  
Fathoni Fathoni

ABSTRACT  Indonesia is a sovereign state. The word here is not only sovereign denotatively meaning that the state government does not have power under the jurisdiction of another country. State government meant for the welfare of the people. When it is associated with free competition among countries, it can be more about the role of the state in protecting its citizens in order to avoid what is, according to Hobbes as "homo homini lupus". This is the challenge of the welfare state, which the state must not fail to welfare. The existence of cases of state failure to provide protection for its citizens, especially in free trade has become a scourge for the people. People who are not able to compete in free trade, in the end just be a spectator and does not play a role in the AEC 2015. State efforts to protect the people by improving competitiveness, increasing export volume, prioritizing the use of domestic goods / services. In the area of regulation, needs to set rules on security measures and monitoring domestic products to circulate goods and services, as well as by applying Early Warning System against the possibility of import surges.  Keywords: sovereign, state welfare, competitiveness, AEC 2015 ABSTRAKIndonesia adalah negara yang berdaulat. Kata berdaulat disini tidak saja bermakna denotatif bahwa negara memiliki kekuasaan pemerintahan yang tidak tunduk pada kekuasaan negara lain. Penyelenggaraan negara dimaksudkan untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan rakyat. Bila dikaitkan dengan persaingan dengan negara lain, maka dapat ditarik lagi tentang peran negara dalam melindungi warganya agar tidak terjadi apa yang menurut Hobbes sebagai “homo homini lupus”. Inilah tantangan negara kesejahteraan tersebut, dimana negara tidak boleh gagal. Adanya kasus-kasus tentang gagalnya negara dalam memberikan perlindungan bagi warganya, terutama dalam perdagangan bebas telah menjadi momok bagi rakyat. Rakyat yang tidak mampu bersaing dalam perdagangan bebas, pada akhirnya hanya menjadi penonton dan tidak memainkan peranan dalam MEA 2015.Upaya negara dalam melindungi rakyat antara lain dengan meningkatkan daya saing, meningkatkan volume ekspor, mengutamakan penggunaan barang/ jasa dalam negeri. Di bidang regulasi, perlu ditetapkan peraturan tentang tindakan pengamanan produk dalam negeri dan pengawasan terhadap barang beredar dan jasa, serta dengan menerapkan Early Warning System terhadap kemungkinan terjadinya lonjakan impor. Kata kunci: berdaulat, negara kesejahteraan, daya saing, MEA 2015


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 5473-5479
Author(s):  
Atri Baruah

Over the years, people’s resistance movements in Assam have protested state policies and actions on the control, appropriation and ownerships of natural resources. Such movements are marked by an active ideological orientation from the time of colonial annexation of this northeastern region to that of the formation of the post-colonial independent Indian state and yet still continues. Resistance against power of the state occurred within a recognized public arena, which is well goes with what present days resistance movements are doing against the coercive role of the state in Assam. Voices are erupted from the grounds that have a direct connection with the neoliberal state policy of neo-extraction of resources by marginalizing local communities who are said to be the traditional right holders over it. Illustrative to this, the resistance movement spearheaded by a peasant-based organization called Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS)in Assam at the grass root level not only mobilizes the voices which are usually unheard, but build a strong counter force against the state power. In its decade long existence, the organization is offering its resistance politics by launching a serious of movements to resist anti-farmer and anti-people policies pursued by the government in the post-liberalization phase and has emerged as a powerful platform for representing voices of the economically-excluded, who fall behind the curtain of the neo-liberal economic paradigm.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Agur

This article examines Indian telecom policy from independence to the present. Dividing this period into three phases – from 1947 to 1984, 1984 to 1991 and 1991 to the present – the article explores the role of the state in India’s dramatic transformation from a telecommunications laggard to one of the world’s largest markets in mobile communication. It draws on a wide range of government documents, institutional surveys (domestic and international) of Indian telephony, memoirs and analyses by policy officials, and interviews with telecom executives. This article makes two arguments. First, it emphasizes the importance of external forces, including economic pressures, obligations to foreign creditors and the arrival of outsiders into key policymaking positions. Second, it provides an alternative to the simplistic argument that the state has ‘left telecommunications to the private sector’. Rather than abandon its role in network building and maintenance, the Indian government has deployed its power in specific and deliberate ways. While much of this policy development was unanticipated and at times accidental, Indian telephony has been transformed from an inward-looking and defensive statist monopoly to an internationalized, technocratic marketplace.


Author(s):  
Anatolii Shyian ◽  
Liliia Nikiforova

The aim of this work is to develop methods of government migration policy in order to motivate migrants to joint economic activities, especially with generation Z. The goals of a developed state are to include migrants in social, political, and economic institutions to increase the welfare of their citizens, as in the short-term, so in the long run. Migrants who are not suitable for the realization of the interests of indigenous peoples should be repatriated (deported). Migrants can run away from hostilities; they can run away from poverty. The game-theoretic model built in the article made it possible to identify the fundamental features of the process of harmonizing the interests of the state (government) and migrants. To implement the motivation of migrants, the chapter offers an example of consistent general trainings that migrants must successfully develop for successful joint activities with Generation Z.


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