Political Economy of Development in the Indian State of Nagaland: Issues and Challenges

The state of Nagaland came into existence in 1963, with the union government granting special status to the state under Article 371A of the Indian constitution. These special provisions safeguard the indigenous social and customary practices and economic resources from the interventions and policies of the union government sans state legislature’s concurring resolution on the same. The special status while protecting the aforementioned rights of the Nagas creates a contrasting duality of sorts—in that modern market based democratic and economic institutions coexist with the traditional institutions. This blending of the old and the new often creates contestations and contradictions within the state’s political, social and economic spheres. In understanding these issues besieging Nagaland, neoliberal narratives of development economics and policy prescriptions thereof may be ill-disposed. The present article attempts to unravel the factors arresting economic development in the state by analysing various macroeconomic indicators. It is suggested that at the core lies the conflict between an attempt to establish a modern market-based economy with private ownership and that of a tribal-community based economic rights with customary laws and practices. The imperative role of the state government is emphasised to provide a mechanism for resolving the economic questions and ushering in development while preserving the rights of the indigenous people.

CURRENT TREND IN THE FISCAL DEFICIT OF THE UNION BUDGET IN INDIA

The present study analyze the fiscal deficit as an instrument to measure the amount of government borrowing to require the financial position and their budget shortfall. This study traces the major current changes in Indian fiscal system during the period 2019-20, though the unions Government adopt the fiscal rule for reduction the financial crisis during the epidemic period of Covid-19. However the current study also traces the percentage of GDP decrease because of the problem of lock-down during the Covid-19. The paper concludes with discussion on the composition of union government receipts and expenditure position in present scenario and indicated the situation of fiscal and revenue deficit of the government budget.

The Politics of the COVID-19 Pandemic in India

India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until May 31. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.

Language as an Identity: Hindi and Provincial Languages in Colonial India

Language is an inherent part of an individual’s identity. Any attempt to subjugate that identity is vehemently resisted by the people. In India, Hindi is not only seen as a language per se but also linked with North Indian Hindus. In the past, the introduction and imposition of Hindi in non-Hindi-speaking states, mainly Tamil Nadu, had faced strong opposition. Since the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Hindu Nationalist Party—Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)—elected to power in May 2014, the union government has taken measures to what it calls promoting the use of the Hindi language in India. These measures have been strongly resisted in the non-Hindi-speaking states of the country. This article looks at the debates between Hindi and non-Hindi speakers since the years of the anti-colonial movement in India. It examines the character of the movement to promote Hindi and the resistance against the Hindi movements in India. This article also discusses the demands for language-based states in India. In this paper, the author argues that in the non-Hindi-speaking states, Hindi is mainly looked at as a means to subsume and suppress the native’s identity. To protect their linguistic identity, which is inextricably intertwined with other identities, people in non-Hindi-speaking areas have protested in past and also resist such attempts in present.

9. Executive Powers

This chapter studies three executive powers in the context of the European Union. It begins with an examination of the political power to act as government. The ‘steering’ power of high politics belongs to two EU institutions: the European Council and the Commission. The Union ‘government’ is thus based on a ‘dual executive’. The chapter then moves to an analysis of the (delegated) legislative powers of the Union executive. The central provisions here are Articles 290 and 291 TFEU. The European legal order has allowed for wide delegations of power to the Commission; while nonetheless insisting on substantive and procedural safeguards to protect federalism and democracy. Finally, the chapter looks at the (administrative) enforcement powers of the Union. Based on the idea of ‘executive federalism’, the power to apply and enforce European law is here divided between the Union and the Member States. The Union can—exceptionally—execute its own law; yet, as a rule, it is the Member States that primarily execute Union law.

9. Executive Powers

This chapter studies three executive powers in the context of the European Union. It begins with an examination of the political power to act as government. The ‘steering’ power of high politics belongs to two EU institutions: the European Council and the Commission. The Union ‘government’ is thus based on a ‘dual executive’. The chapter then moves to an analysis of the (delegated) legislative powers of the Union executive. The central provisions here are Articles 290 and 291 TFEU. The European legal order has allowed for wide delegations of power to the Commission; while nonetheless insisting on substantive and procedural safeguards to protect federalism and democracy. Finally, the chapter looks at the (administrative) enforcement powers of the Union. Based on the idea of ‘executive federalism’, the power to apply and enforce European law is here divided between the Union and the Member States. The Union can—exceptionally—execute its own law; yet, as a rule, it is the Member States that primarily execute Union law.

A Brief Study on the Imposition of Mizoram Under President’s Rule

Under Article 356 of the constitution of India, Union Government has the right to cease the executive authority of a state and impose it under President’s Rule. However, the President’s Rule is usually exercised only when the administration of the state cannot function properly according to the provision given in the Constitution of India. When a state is imposed under President’s Rule, the Governor will have authority over the state administration and he will do so under the provision of the central government. Mizoram has also been imposed under President’s Rule thrice. The first two times was during the period in which Mizoram was a Union Territory and the third time was after it attains statehood.

COVID-19 and its impact on Mid-Day Meal program in India

Mid-day meal program is one of the largest school feeding meal programs in the world. It provides nutritious food to millions of Indian children. It has also resulted in increasing student’s enrolment and attendance in school. However, due to the pandemic caused by Novel Coronavirus, COVID-19, with closures of schools, the program got badly affected. An additional expenditure of Rs. 1600 crores by the Union Government of India, to provide mid-day meal scheme has been announced. As for the poor and for the vulnerable the meal program is only source of having good nutritious food. However, the present time has changed the picture for all. This paper therefore tries to analyze the impact of COVID-19 on the Mid-Day meal program in India.

IDENTIFICATION OF UNORGANIZED WORKERS: A STEP PRIOR TO SOCIAL SECURITY

The Union Government with its aim to provide optimum benefits of Social schemes is trying to cover the unorganized workers under an umbrella of unique numbers for their identification. But, the identification of the unorganized workers is still lingering in uncertainties. The main focus of this research paper is on understanding the attempts made by different stakeholders in identifying the unorganized workers. The attempts may be termed bizarre as they have completely mixed two different concepts – the informal sector and unorganized workforce. Social Workers can be efficiently trained to help the Government in identifying unorganized workers. A policy specifically dealing with the unorganized workers including their identification, their needs, and mechanism to deliver services is need for the hour. Employment rate or number can’t be a foundation to define or describe the worker as unorganized.