scholarly journals Being Tolerant and Nationalist Sufi: A Social Movement Study of JATMAN (Jam’iyyah Ahl al-Thariqot al-Mu’tabarah an-Nahdliyyah) and Habib Luthfi

ESOTERIK ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Achmad Jauhari Umar

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">Sufism has long been associated with tolerance because of its theological nature that focuses on inner peace. However, this view tends to overlook that Sufi movements are often involved in politics and nationalist discourse. This study explains the social movement logic of a tarekat movement in Indonesia in promoting tolerance and nationalism. JATMAN <em>(Jam’iyyah Ahl al-Thariqot al-Mu’tabarah an-Nahdliyyah)</em> is well-known as a Sufi group currently led by Habib Luthfi. This movement calls to <em>Bela Negara</em> (defending Indonesia) by the jargon <em>‘NKRI Harga Mati’</em> (the doctrine of love for the homeland) and <em>Handarbeni</em> (being proud to locality). This research employs multiple analysis methods to examine the factors that underpin the emergence of this movement. I analyzed Habib Luthfi bin Yahya’s lectures (Rais 'Amm JATMAN) from 2020-2021, scattered on several online media such as YouTube and Instagram. Besides, I conducted interviews with several kiai in <em>Idarah 'Aliyah</em> (the central administrator of JATMAN) and I analyzed dozens of events organized by JATMAN in online media. Drawing on social movement theory, I argue that various motivations are overshadowed by the emergence of JATMAN within nationalism. This movement may not only be driven by piety and theological doctrine (Sufism) but also by social movement logics such as political opportunity structure, resource mobilization, and cultural framing.</p>

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (8) ◽  
pp. 1011-1039 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabab El-Mahdi

In 2004-2005, for the first time in more than five decades, Egypt witnessed the rise of a protest movement calling for the end of one-party rule. In 1 year, Egypt witnessed more oppositional demonstrations, rallies, and the organization of nonviolent dissident groups than it has seen in the previous 25 years. However, the outcome of this mobilization in terms of democratic opening remained limited and, some argue, negligible. Using social movement theory, which has been unduly ignored by students of democratic transition in the Middle East, and data from fieldwork, the article analyzes the rise, limitations, and potentials of this prodemocracy movement in Egypt. The article argues that changes in the political opportunity structure and relatively successful cultural framing and mobilizing structures pushed for the rise of this movement, but shortcomings on these same fronts limited the movement's expansion and concomitantly, its direct impact.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leila Demarest

Abstract:This paper advances a resource mobilization perspective on the 2011–12 electoral protests in Senegal based on social movement theory. Motivational explanations, in the form of grievance accounts, have already been used to explain successful protest mobilization in this case. Here the emphasis is placed on organizational efforts and the financial and human resources behind social movements. Using this approach to analyze the rise and fall of the social movement created to protest against President Abdoulaye Wade reveals its strategic role for opposition parties and their leaders. These findings add nuance to the perception of a democratic revolution in Senegal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-167
Author(s):  
Robert M Bosco

This article examines religious socialism as an American social movement. It focuses on the most recent iteration of this tradition, the Religion and Socialism Commission, formed in the 1970s as a subgroup of the Democratic Socialists of America. Drawing on concepts from social movement theory such as frame alignment and political opportunity structure, it argues that the Religion and Socialism Commission ultimately failed in its attempt to transition from an organization into a social movement. It then considers various possibilities for the future of religious socialism in the United States, given new variables such as a changing political opportunity structure and the rise of social media.


2020 ◽  
pp. 58-76
Author(s):  
Ray Brescia

This chapter focuses on the movement's message. Many of the social movements often embraced a unifying message that sought ways to attract a wide and diverse group of supporters. For an understanding of some of the additional components of social movement success, particularly in social innovation moments, the chapter turns to contemporary social movement theory to try to identify the connection between one's network, the messages that network might send, and the extent to which the identities of the members of that network are tied up in both. It discusses the evolution of social movement theory, beginning with what can be called the rational actor model of community organizing. What this discussion shows is that messages matter for community organizing and social mobilization. Personalizing, humanizing, and optimistic messages can help movements expand and grow, creating the network effects described in the previous chapter. At the same time, when those messages are encoded onto face-to-face relationships, those relationships serve as a channel through which a movement can expand its network.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962095488
Author(s):  
Abi Chamlagai

The purpose of this article is to compare Nepal’s two Tarai/Madhesh Movements using the political opportunity structure theory of social movements. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I launched by the Forum for Madheshi People’s Rights in 2007 became successful as Nepal became a federal state. Tarai/Madhesh Movement II launched by the United Democratic Madheshi Front of the Tarai/Madheshi parties and the Tharuhat Joint Struggle Committee of the Tharu organizations failed as political elites disagreed about the need to create two provinces in the Tarai/Madhesh. While Tarai/Madhesh Movement II confirms that a social movement is more likely to fail when political elites align against it, Tarai/Madhesh Movement II refutes the theoretical proposition. Tarai/Madhesh Movement I suggests that the sucess of a social movement is more likely despite the alignment of political elites against it if its central demand consistently sustains the support of its constituents.


2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-855
Author(s):  
LEONORA REYES-JEDLICKI

AbstractInspired by recent critical pedagogic and social movement theory, this article explores the cultural production of social movements in Chile at the beginning of the twentieth century. Questioning the belief that the Estado docente was the sole mechanism of social democratisation, it explores the pedagogic proposals developed by workers and their associations during what is referred to as the period of the ‘Social Question’. The article concludes by analyzing the factors which led to the demise of these alternative pedagogic experiments.


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