scholarly journals Narrando Revoluções com os Pés no Haiti: A Revolução haitiana por Michel-Rolph Trouillot e outros intelectuais caribenhos

Author(s):  
Pâmela Marconatto Marques

O objetivo central do presente ensaio é abordar a Revolução de 1791, evento paradigmático da história haitiana, a partir das narrativas produzidas por alguns de seus intelectuais, que evidenciam o país que ali teve seu berço como lugar de enfrentamento e luta contra a escravidão, onde foi gestada e se disseminou a ideia de liberdade e independência para o restante da América colonizada. Justapondo as narrativas desses intelectuais e suas narrativas adversárias, forjadas no âmago do sistema colonial, esboçamos o modo como o Haiti revolucionário eclode como espaço simbólico de resistência contra todas as tentativas dos colonos – naquele momento, quase todos homens brancos - de impor a desumanização de seus colonizados – homens e mulheres negros/as –. Parece-nos, ao final, que esse espírito de não submissão, não adaptação e não aceitação da lógica e do modelo de dominação impostos será irremediavelmente associado a um “modo de ser haitiano”, um habitus infame, percebido ora como algo positivo e peculiar do povo haitiano, ora  como razão de uma suposta incapacidade de integrar-se ao progresso e ao desenvolvimento. De comum, as narrativas sobre a revolução apontam o Haiti como lugar de denúncia da barbárie imposta por um colonizador surpreendido na aberração de seu discurso civilizatório. Palavras-chave: revolução haitiana; intelectuais haitianos; Michel Roulph-Trouillot; colonialidade.Narrating Revolutions With Feet in Haiti: The Haitian Revolution by Michel-Rolph Trouillot and other Caribbean intellectualsAbstractThe main objective of this essay is to address the Revolution of 1791, a paradigmatic event in Haitian history, based on the narratives produced by some of its intellectuals, which show the country that had its cradle as a place of confrontation and struggle against slavery, where the idea of freedom and independence for the rest of colonized America spread. Juxtaposing the narratives of these intellectuals and their adversarial narratives, forged at the heart of the colonial system, we sketch out how revolutionary Haiti emerges as a symbolic space of resistance against all attempts by settlers - then almost all white men - to impose the dehumanization of their colonized - black men and women -. It seems to us in the end that this spirit of non-submission, non-adaptation and non-acceptance of the logic and model of domination imposed will inevitably be associated with a "Haitian way of being", an infamous habitus, perceived sometimes as something positive and peculiar of the Haitian people, others as the reason for a supposed inability to integrate with progress and development. In common, the narratives about the revolution point to Haiti as a place for denouncing barbarism imposed by a colonizer caught in the aberration of his civilizing discourse.Keywords: Haitian revolution; Haitian intellectuals; Michel Roulph-Trouillot; coloniality.Narrando Revoluciones con los Pies en Haití: La Revolución haitiana por Michel-Rolph Trouillot y otros intelectuales caribeñosResumenEl objetivo central del presente ensayo es abordar la Revolución de 1791, evento paradigmático de la historia haitiana, a partir de las narrativas producidas por algunos de sus intelectuales, que evidencian el país que allí tuvo su cuna como lugar de enfrentamiento y lucha contra la esclavitud, donde fue gestada y se diseminó la idea de libertad e independencia para el resto de América colonizada. Justaponiendo las narrativas de esos intelectuales y sus narrativas adversarias, forjadas en el centro del sistema colonial, esbozamos el modo como el Haití revolucionario eclode como espacio simbólico de resistencia contra todos los intentos de los colonos -en aquel momento, casi todos hombres blancos- de imponer la deshumanización de los colonizados - hombres y mujeres negros/as. Nos parece, al final, que ese espíritu de no sumisión, no adaptación y no aceptación de la lógica y del modelo de dominación impuestos será irremediablemente asociado a un "modo de ser haitiano", un habitus infame, percibido ora como algo positivo y peculiar del pueblo haitiano, ora como razón de una supuesta incapacidad de integrarse al progreso y al desarrollo. De común, las narrativas sobre la revolución apuntan a Haití como lugar de denuncia de la barbarie impuesta por un colonizador sorprendido en la aberración de su discurso civilizatorio.Palabras clave: revolución haitiana; intelectuales haitianos; Michel Roulph-Trouillot; colonialidad.

Author(s):  
Stewart R. King

This article reviews scholarship on the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). The revolution stands as the only one in history to have destroyed a society in which slaves performed almost all productive labour and constructed on top of the rubble a nation-state in which slavery was prohibited. This unique phenomenon resonated throughout the transatlantic world, with repercussions in the imperial capitals of western Europe and throughout every slaveholding region in the Americas. The revolution inspired slaves with pride and the hope of ultimate deliverance and freedom, and it encouraged advocates of liberty in Europe. Perceptions of the revolution over the ensuing two centuries have been coloured by racial attitudes and by the subsequent experience of independent Haiti. In the last half century, scholars have rediscovered the Haitian Revolution. New data and new methods have advanced understanding of the social and cultural circumstances of the revolution and its preconditions.


Circulation ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 143 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Liu ◽  
Mehul D Patel ◽  
Alden L Gross ◽  
Thomas Mosley ◽  
Andreea Rawlings ◽  
...  

Background: The effect of retirement on cognitive functioning is not clear. We examined the association between age at retirement, midlife occupation, and cognitive decline in the large Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) biracial community-based cohort. Methods: Retirement status after ARIC visit 4 (1996-98) was reported in annual follow-up questionnaires administered in 1999-2007 (n= 8,426), and classified as occurring before or after age 70. Current or most recent occupation at visit 1 (1987-89) was categorized based on 1980 US census major occupation groups and tertiles of Nam-Powers-Boyd occupational status score (a measure of socioeconomic status of occupations, hereby used as a proxy for occupational complexity). Generalized estimating equation models were used to examine the associations of retirement with trajectories of a global cognitive factor score, assessed in 1990-92 (visit 2), 1996-98 (visit 4) and 2011-2013 (visit 5). Models were a priori stratified by race and sex and adjusted for demographics and comorbidities. To account for attrition, we also performed multiple imputation by chained equations. Results: Retirement before age 70 is associated with higher educational level and higher occupational status score in white men and women, and in black men. We observed associations between retirement before age 70 and lower baseline cognitive scores, as well as slower cognitive decline in white men and women, and in black men (Figure). The results did not change substantially after adjusting for the occupational status score or accounting for attrition. Conclusion: Retirement before age 70 was significantly associated with lower baseline cognitive scores and slower cognitive decline in whites and in black men. The lack of similar associations in black women and the investigation of reasons for the observed associations warrant further research.


Author(s):  
Joshua Parker ◽  
Rohan Khera ◽  
Ambarish Pandey ◽  
Daniel Cheeran ◽  
Colby Ayers ◽  
...  

Background: Atrial fibrillation (AF) is the most common dysrhythmia in clinical practice, and is a significant contributor to morbidity and mortality. Prior reports have projected a large increase in AF burden over time. A contemporary assessment of epidemiology is needed to assess if an emphasis of prevention strategies over the last decade has been effective in alleviating this risk. Methods: We used a 5% national sample of all Medicare beneficiaries in the US from 2002 through 2013 to construct a longitudinal cohort of 2.3 million fee-for-service Medicare beneficiaries administratively followed for ≥2 years using claims data. Trends in incident and prevalent AF were assessed for 2004 through 2013. Using ICD-9 codes, encounters with AF were identified from inpatient, outpatient, and physician claims. AF during the first 2 years of entry into the cohort was defined as pre-existing AF. Incident AF was defined as having either 1 inpatient claim with a diagnosis of AF or 2 outpatient or physician claims with AF. Calendar-year prevalence comprised pre-existing and incident AF for the respective years as well as those with incident AF in preceding years. Age-adjusted time trends were assessed using Poisson regression. Results: Between 2002 and 2013, 219,570 patients had incident AF. At incidence, mean age was 79 years, 55% were women, and 92% and 5% were white and black, respectively. Age-adjusted AF incidence decreased by 0.4/1000 per year between 2004 (20/1000) and 2013 (17/1000). While incidence declined for white men and women (P<.05), it has remained unchanged for black men and women (Figure). Proportion of incident events in the outpatient setting increased from 26% to 40%. One-year mortality was 9%, and remained unchanged throughout the study period. Over this period, the overall prevalence of AF decreased by 0.9/1000 per year (p<.05), however, there was a relative increase in AF prevalence among black men. Conclusions: Between years 2004 and 2013, the overall incidence and prevalence of AF among a 5% sample of Medicare beneficiaries stabilized. There were, however, differences across racial groups, with a slight decline in incidence among white men and women, which was not observed in black men and women.


Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 141 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshihiro Tanaka ◽  
Nilay Shah ◽  
Rod Passman ◽  
Philip Greenland ◽  
Sadiya Khan

Background: Atrial fibrillation (AF) is the most common sustained arrhythmia in adults and the prevalence is increasing due to the aging of the population and the growing burden of vascular risk factors. Although deaths due to cardiovascular disease (CVD) death have dramatically decreased in recent years, trends in AF-related CVD death has not been previously investigated. Purpose: We sought to quantify trends in AF-related CVD death rates in the United States. Methods: AF-related CVD death was ascertained using the CDC WONDER online database. AF-related CVD deaths were identified by listing CVD (I00-I78) as underlying cause of death and AF (I48) as contributing cause of death among persons aged 35 to 84 years. We calculated age-adjusted mortality rates (AAMR) per 100,000 population, and examined trends over time estimating average annual percent change (AAPC) using Joinpoint Regression Program (National Cancer Institute). Subgroup analyses were performed to compare AAMRs by sex-race (black and white men and women) and across two age groups (younger: 35-64 years, older 65-84 years). Results: A total of 522,104 AF-related CVD deaths were identified between 1999 and 2017. AAMR increased from 16.0 to 22.2 per 100,000 from 1999 to 2017 with an acceleration following an inflection point in 2009. AAPC before 2009 was significantly lower than that after 2009 [0.4% (95% CI, 0.0 - 0.7) vs 3.5% (95% CI, 3.1 - 3.9), p < 0.001). The increase of AAMR was observed across black and white men and women overall and in both age groups (FIGURE), with a more pronounced increase in black men and white men. Black men had the highest AAMR among the younger decedents, whereas white men had the highest AAMR among the older decedents. Conclusion: This study revealed that death rate for AF-related CVD has increased over the last two decades and that there are greater black-white disparities in younger decedents (<65 years). Targeting equitable risk factor reduction that predisposes to AF and CVD mortality is needed to reduce observed health inequities.


Author(s):  
Amy Murrell Taylor

This chapter focuses on the relationship between race and space—between competing ideas for how people of different races should reside spatially—by looking at the Union army’s various attempts to remove refugees en masse. These removals attempted to resettle the people in places far removed from active combat, including northern states, islands in the Mississippi River, and even Haiti. Some of these efforts bore a great deal of resemblance to antebellum colonization plans, and, as in those cases, black men and women in the Civil War largely resisted being sent away. Most of the removals were justified by white officials in environmental terms, driven by racial ideologies that linked particular climates and landscapes to people of color. The chapter also argues that removals were sometimes triggered by concerns about gender and sex too—by beliefs that the physical proximity of black women and white men in military encampments had made rape inevitable.


Author(s):  
Duncan Faherty

This essay considers how and why Federalist writers turned to the medium of fiction after the Revolution of 1800 in order to continue to express their concerns about the dangers of a Jeffersonian ascendency and the future of national development. By exploring the connections between rhetorical practices before and after Jefferson’s election, I argue that Federalist writers deployed the same tropes and metaphors to reflect on the loss of their authority despite the shift in genre from newspaper editorial to the novel form. Central to this practice was the use of reflections on the Haitian Revolution which served to represent the instabilities of plantation culture and its capacity to erode cultural mores. The essay focuses on Martha Meredith Read’s Margaretta (1807) as an emblematic example of the ways in which Federalist writers sought to deploy representations of planter decadence as a means of critiquing Jeffersonian power. Yet more than simply critiquing Jeffersonianism, Read also seeks to reframe the tenets of Federalism by advocating that properly ordered domestic spheres are the true source of cultural stability.


2007 ◽  
Vol 34 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 231-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto M. De Anda ◽  
Pedro M. Hernandez

This study examines differences in returns to literacy skills on earnings of black and white men and women. Literacy skill is a composite measure of three scales: reading comprehension, document literacy (the ability to locate and use information in, say, tables and graphs), and mathematics proficiency. Using data from the National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS), we estimate earnings determination models separately for each racial/gender group. Our findings show that the effect of literacy on earnings varies by race and gender. Literacy skills favorably rewarded black men relative to black women and white men and women, net of education and other relevant variables. More importantly, literacy completely explained the effect of a high school diploma and some college on earnings of black men. We conclude that the economic importance of literacy skills is particularly salient for less-educated black men.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Mishel ◽  
Paula England ◽  
Jessie Ford ◽  
Monica Caudillo

We examine change across U.S. cohorts born between 1920 and 1998 in their probability of having had sex with same-sex partners last year and since age 18. We explore how trends differ by gender, race and class background. We use data from the 1988-2016 General Social Surveys. We find steady increases across birth cohorts in the proportion of men and women who have had both male and female sexual partners since age 18. A key finding is a race-gender intersection: black men and women of all races had similar increases— increases which were much steeper than those observed for white men. We suggest that women’s increase is rooted in a long-term asymmetry in gender change, in which nonconformity to gender norms in many arenas is more acceptable for women than men. As the increase for men is largest among black men—and this is the population most affected by the rise of mass incarceration—we suggest the latter may be a contributing factor.


Author(s):  
Carlos Fonseca Suárez

      Like most revolutionary processes, the history of the Haitian revolution has typically been narrated from the perspective of revolutionary heroes. Whether as the feat of Toussant L’Ouverture, Francois Macandal or Jean-Jacques Dessalaines, historians have often tried to encapsulate the revolution within the narrow margins of human causality. In this article, I attempt to sketch the contours of another possible history: an ecological history in which the feats of the revolutionary heroes give way to the radical power of nature. By focusing on the role that two epidemic phenomena—yellow fever and mesmerism—had within the revolution, I attempt to show how the emergence of an “epidemiological discourse” proved to be fundamental for imagining the outbreak of modern sovereignty as it occurred in Saint-Domingue. Drawing on the ecological history of the Greater Caribbean and the routes of exchange that determined the historical development of its radical environment, the article attempts to imagine what an ecocritical history of the revolutionary process could look like. It lays out a political cartography unlike that which one usually encounters in history books, following a mosquito in its route from Africa to America and retracing the way in which a European pseudo-science—mesmerism—arrived from France to America. The epidemiological discourse surrounding both yellow fever and mesmerism reveals the emergence of a new sociological language capable of figuring the crisis of imperial modes of sovereignty as well as the emergence of new modes of radical subjectivity. Departing from the works Deleuze and Guattari, but also in dialogue with recent debates in ecocriticism, the significance of the Haitian Revolution is reconsidered in its relationship to the emergence of sociology as a language capable of explaining the emergence of the modern political subject par excellence: the modern multitude. Resumen      Como la mayoría de los procesos revolucionarios, la historia de la revolución haitiana usualmente ha sido narrada desde la perspectiva histórica de los héroes revolucionarios. Ya sea como la épica de Toussant L’Ouverture, Francois Macandal o Jean-Jacques Dessalaines, los historiadores han intentado encapsular la revolución dentro de los márgenes de la causalidad humana. En este artículo, intento esbozar los contornos de otra posible historia: una historia ecológica en la que las hazañas de los héroes revolucionarios ceden el escenario al poder radical de la naturaleza. Mediante una articulación del rol que dos fenómenos epidémicos—la fiebre amarilla y el mesmerismo—tuvieron dentro de la revolución, intento demostrar cómo la aparición de un “discurso epidemiológico” demostró ser fundamental en el proceso de crisis de soberanía imperial que ocurrió en Saint-Domingue. Investigando tanto la historia ecológica del Gran Caribe como las rutas de intercambio que determinaron la radicalización de su atmósfera política, el artículo intenta imaginar una historia ecocrítica del proceso revolucionario. A través de una cartografía de las rutas transatlánticas de circulación de un mosquito, así como del desembarco en América de una pseudociencia—el mesmerismo—el artículo esboza una historiografía política distinta. Se escudriña el discurso epidemiológico que giraba en torno tanto a la fiebre amarilla como al mesmerismo en relación con el surgimiento de un nuevo discurso sociológico capaz de representar la crisis de los modelos imperiales de soberanía y el surgimiento de nuevas subjetividades radicales. Partiendo de los trabajos de Deleuze y Guattari, pero también en conversación con los recientes debates sobre la ecocrítica, el significado de la Revolución Haitiana es reconsiderado en relación con el surgimiento de la sociología como el idioma del sujeto moderno por excelencia: la multitud.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Brown

Both politicians and the mass public believe that identity influences political behavior yet, political scientists have failed to fully detail how identity is salient for all political actors not just minorities and women legislators. To what extent do racial, gendered, and race/gendered identities affect the legislation decision process? To test this proposition, I examine how race and gender based identities shape the legislative decisions of Black women in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. I find that Black men and women legislators interviewed believe that racial identity is relevant in their decision making processes, while White men and women members of the Maryland state legislature had difficulty deciding whether their identities mattered and had even more trouble articulating how or why they did. African American women legislators in Maryland articulate or describe an intersectional identity as a meaningful and significant component of their work as representatives. More specifically, Black women legislators use their identity to interpret legislation differently due to their race/gender identities.


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