scholarly journals Meeting the political and the legislative Copenhagen Criteria, the case of Kosovo

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 329
Author(s):  
LL.M. Rinor Hoxha

The next enlargement of the European Union is predicted to be in the Balkans. Kosovo, a small country of the Balkan Peninsula, which has been declared as an independent state in 2008, aims the membership in EU. Kosovo is currently at the stage of negotiating the Stabilization and Association Agreement with EU. For the membership in EU, candidate countries are required to achieve certain criteria: political, legislative, economic and administrative. The first three are known as the Copenhagen Criteria, whereas the last one as the Madrid Criteria. This paper looks to briefly asses the difficulties of Kosovo in meeting the two Copenhagen Criteria: the political and the legislative one. Although, Kosovo has achieved certain progress related to this matter, this paper presents only the dimensions where Kosovo is lacking in achieving the aforementioned requirements.

Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


Author(s):  
Danylo Demchenko

In the article the meaning of the customer rights protection is researched regarding the minor purchase and sale, as a fundamentalfor the capitalist economy. Separately, it is noted that the adoption of the law “on consumer rights protection” was one of the first when Ukraine received the status of an independent state and fixed the basic principle of consumer rights protection in Part 2 of Article 50of the Constitution of Ukraine. The importance of the association agreement between Ukraine and the European Union for updating theappropriate level of attention to consumer protection is considered. The Annex XXXIX to the 20 agreement regarding association isdefined, being fundamental for the purposes of the research, in which 15 provisions that concern the subject of the research are outlined.The special attention is devoted to the results that were already accomplished, even without the use of systematic approach by the legalauthorities. Three main spheres are found out, which will undergo swift development, as a consequence of continuation of work onapproximation of Ukrainian legislation to the European sample. Each of the streams is processed specifically and in detail. The optionsof future implementation are provided in the process of analysis. For a more complete understanding, separate statistical analysis wasmade. Special attention is paid to problematic issues that do not allow the executive authorities to approach the legislation with thehigher intensity and more effectively. The author’s vision of the Conception of the governmental policy in the sphere of customer’srights protection for the 2020 period is laid out. The critical remarks are being made regarding the inactivity of the executive authoritiesin attraction of European Committee for the official evaluation of the appropriateness of the Ukrainian legislation to the provisions ofthe European Union. Based on the analysis, the methodological concepts of transformation of the institution of the consumer rights protectionin the Ukrainian legislation are worked out.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Vukicevic

Abstract Montenegro, the smallest country in the Balkans, had led a long struggle for independence against various empires. Because of Montenegrin Orthodox Christian and Slavic heritage, Russia was historically its main patron. However, after regaining independence in 2006, Montenegro set amongst its top priorities the membership in the European Union and NATO, whilst trying to pursue good relations with other actors in the region. This paper deals with the adaptability of a small country to changes of regional and global context whilst comparing its relations with its former and contemporary allies. It also deals with a set of its foreign and security policy priorities and how they are fulfilled.


Author(s):  
Michał Rulski

Ukraine is the largest country that is included in European Neighborhood Policy. That is why the European Union should spotlight relations with this eastern partner, especially by foreign policy instruments like association agreement. The focus here is on the EU’s involvement in the Ukrainian crisis in period from Maidan revolution at the end of 2013, which was occasioned by the rejection of the association agreement with the EU by President Viktor Yanukovych, and to the presidential election in 2014. The main issue is to evaluate the EU’s scope to stabilize the political environment in the nearby neighborhood and eliminate threats, which are the results of war between Ukraine and Russia.


Author(s):  
Andrey Vladimirovich Baranov

The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.


Author(s):  
V. V. Zubov

The growing number of refugees from the Middle East and North Africa to Europe, which occurred after the onset of the Arab spring and the military strengthening of the Taliban in Afghanistan, has become a severe challenge for the European Union. The migration crisis has forced the EU to step up negotiations with Turkey, a country that has become a transit point for migrants on their way to Europe. It seems evident both parties are not interested in the increase in the number of terrorist acts, the increase in the level of street crime and the appearance of separate enclaves in the territory of the countries participating in the negotiations. However, Turkey and the EU could not reach a final agreement that could completely secure the “European” border from the uncontrolled flow of refugees. Despite the decrease in the number of refugees in 2018, the danger for the European Union remains: the desire of the Kurds to create an independent state can be stopped by military force, and the re-entry of the Taliban to power is quite real. A legitimate question arises: why has Turkey, which has been a member of NATO since 1952, actively pursued the westernisation of its society since Mustafa Kemal and signed the association agreement in 1963, which is unfriendly towards the EU? The article discusses the history of relations between Turkey and the European Union, analyses the role of the EU member states in forming a common position about Turkey’s potential membership in the organisation. The author paid particular attention to changing the foreign policy situation as a factor that influenced the priorities of the parties.


The European Union (EU) has shown considerable interest in receiving the Western Balkan countries into the EU, as did the mentioned countries show considerable interest to join the EU. Although this is a historically very turbulent region, the EU has clearly, unambiguously and unanimously expressed the political attitude towards the Western Balkans: "The Future of the Balkans is in the European Union". In addition to goodwill, the EU is also ready to assist in this process but also each country must do its part of the job in the accession process. The very process of EU accession means defining and meeting necessary criteria for potential new EU members, as well as the process of accession negotiations for the full membership of the new member states. The main objective of this article is to indicate which expansion criteria or Copenhagen criteria will be the most critical to achieve for Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), as one of the Western Balkan countries, in the process of access into the EU. In the process of meeting Copenhagen criteria, unlike other Western Balkan countries, B&H shows the least success. In our research, Bosnia and Herzegovina has a problem primarily by satisfying political Copenhagen criteria and then meeting economic and legal criteria. The lack of meeting Political Copenhagen criteria is found primarily in the absence of political consensus in B&H, which stems from the special features of the Government in Bosnia and Herzegovina (two entities and Bosnia's three main ethnic populations). With the lack of political unity in B&H, it is not possible to establish stable institutions that ensure democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and the right to protect minorities (Sejdić and Finci case, corruption, non-transparent elections, nondependent media and labour unions) Fulfilling the Copenhagen Economic Criteria - a functioning market economy is also dependent on political influence (which is also fractured). The economy of B&H is structurally unregulated and is based on the processing of basic raw materials without the high-tech industry in order to deal with the competition of the European Single Market. During the research, the used scientific methods (analysis and syntheses, descriptions and classifications, historical and comparative, induction and deduction, and quantitative analysis) showed that it would be most difficult to achieve the political and economic Copenhagen criteria for the above reasons.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Malashko ◽  
◽  
Serhii Yesimov ◽  

The article examines trends in the development of legal regulation of information security in Ukraine in the context of the implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. The current information legislation and regulations on information security are analyzed. The tendencies in the legal regulation of information security that took place at the initial stage of the formation of information legislation are revealed. Based on the factors that took place before the adoption of the Doctrine of information security of Ukraine, the laws of Ukraine “On the basic principles of ensuring the cybersecurity of Ukraine”, “On the national security of Ukraine”, in the context of the current legislation, based on the methodology of legal forecasting, it is concluded that in the future the development of normative legal information security will be developed on the basis of by-laws, mainly at the departmental level.


Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179


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