scholarly journals syntax and semantics of left-node raising in Japanese

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shûichi Yatabe
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Composition ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
The Right

In this paper, I argue (i) that Japanese has constructions that are almost the exact mirror images of the right-node raising constructions in English, and (ii) that the properties of those constructions, which I refer to as left-node raising constructions, can be captured straightforwardly if and only if the CONTENT values of domain objects, not those of signs, are assumed to be the principal locus of meaning assembly. In the theory proposed, it is claimed that semantic composition (including "quantifier retrieval") takes place not when some signs are syntactically combined to produce a new, larger sign but when some domain objects (which are essentially prosodic constituents) are merged (by the total or partial compaction operation) to produce a new domain object (i.e. a new, larger prosodic constituent).

scholarly journals Evidence for the linearization-based theory of semantic composition

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shûichi Yatabe
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Composition ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Questionnaire Studies

The result of questionnaire studies are presented which shows (i) that conjuncts are scope islands in Japanese and (ii) that left-node raising can nullify such scope islands. This finding confirms the theory advanced in Yatabe (2001), in which semantic composition is almost entirely carried out within order domains, and arguably contradicts the theory proposed in Beavers and Sag (2004), which introduces a mechanism called Optional Quantifier Merger to deal with the fact that right-node raising and left-node raising can have semantic effects.

On the Lexicographic Description of the Preposition Putyom in Modern Discourse

2021 ◽  
pp. 5-31
Author(s):  
Natalja A. Aksarina ◽  
◽  
Larisa V. Basova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Mode Of Action ◽  
Dictionary Entry ◽  
Semantic Composition ◽  
Verbal Noun ◽  
Complex Study ◽  
Primary Meaning ◽  
Instrumental Case ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Corpus

This article analyzes the system of meanings of the preposition putyom in modern discourse, describes the features of the semantic composition in each meaning, traces semantic links of the selected meanings with the productive name and provides their lexicographic description. The analyzed material included 609 documents of the main corpus of the Russian National Corpus for 2009–2019. The search was performed on a user subcorpus of 6,555 documents which amounted to 13,596,479 words. The complex study of 330 usage samples of the preposition putyom by means of contextual and component analyses has revealed that 167 of them were substantive, 13 adverbial and 150 prepositional ones. The lexicographic identifiers used were as follows: 1) recurrent links with the context, determining the lexico-semantic valence of the preposition putyom; 2) grammatical valence, implemented in specific syntactic links; 3) the possibility of lexical and grammatical replacement of constructions with the preposition putyom by an adverbial participle and a noun in the instrumental case; 4) possible partial synonymy relations; 5) data from lexicographic sources. The range of partial synonyms was established in accordance with the definitions in explanatory dictionaries. The analysis has shown seven meanings of the preposition putyom,grammarticalized in varying degrees, with differentiable semantic and compatibility features. Characteristic valences as well as semantic functions have been determined for each meaning and a dictionary entry proposed. It has been established that the “left” component of the preposition putyom in any implementation is a verb form or a verbal noun with procedural or productive semantics, while the “right” one is a verbal noun with procedural or effective semantics. The polysemy of the preposition putyom is predetermined by a change in hierarchy when contextual conditions change. All the meanings of the preposition putyom have a common motivating base, i.e. the 6th meaning of the noun put’ (way). The polysemy of the preposition putyom is caused by the initial semantic potential of the motivating meaning. The preposition putyom is motivated by both explicit and implicit semes of the meaning-generating noun put’ and in implication inherits the semes of its primary meaning. In all the meanings it retains this “mode of action” inherited from the motivating meaning of the noun put’. In six of seven meanings, it enters into a partial synonymy only with derivative prepositions of the genitive and dative cases and is semantically identified in these relations. The partial nature of synonymy indicates the insufficiency of a synonymous definition and requires a descriptive component inclusion.

Violations of the Right Edge Constraint in Right Node Raising

Snippets ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
Katharina Hartmann ◽  
Viola Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Right Node Raising ◽  
The Right

Coordination in Syntax

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grant Goodall
Keyword(s):  
General Area ◽  
General Phenomenon ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Asymmetric Behavior ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Entire Sentence ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
The Right ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

The term coordination refers to the juxtaposition of two or more conjuncts often linked by a conjunction such as and or or. The conjuncts (e.g., our friend and your teacher in Our friend and your teacher sent greetings) may be words or phrases of any type. They are a defining property of coordination, while the presence or absence of a conjunction depends on the specifics of the particular language. As a general phenomenon, coordination differs from subordination in that the conjuncts are typically symmetric in many ways: they often belong to like syntactic categories, and if nominal, each carries the same case. Additionally, if there is extraction, this must typically be out of all conjuncts in parallel, a phenomenon known as Across-the-Board extraction. Extraction of a single conjunct, or out of a single conjunct, is prohibited by the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Despite this overall symmetry, coordination does sometimes behave in an asymmetric fashion. Under certain circumstances, the conjuncts may be of unlike categories or extraction may occur out of one conjunct, but not another, thus yielding apparent violations of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In addition, case and agreement show a wide range of complex and sometimes asymmetric behavior cross-linguistically. This tension between the symmetric and asymmetric properties of coordination is one of the reasons that coordination has remained an interesting analytical puzzle for many decades. Within the general area of coordination, a number of specific sentence types have generated much interest. One is Gapping, in which two sentences are conjoined, but material (often the verb) is missing from the middle of the second conjunct, as in Mary ate beans and John _ potatoes. Another is Right Node Raising, in which shared material from the right edge of sentential conjuncts is placed in the right periphery of the entire sentence, as in The chefs prepared __ and the customers ate __ [a very elaborately constructed dessert]. Finally, some languages have a phenomenon known as comitative coordination, in which a verb has two arguments, one morphologically plural and the other comitative (e.g., with the preposition with), but the plural argument may be understood as singular. English does not have this phenomenon, but if it did, a sentence like We went to the movies with John could be understood as John and I went to the movies.

scholarly journals Comparison of the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination with its alternatives

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shûichi Yatabe
Keyword(s):  
Categorial Grammar ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Right

In this paper, I compare the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination proposed in Yatabe (2001) with three of its alternatives, namely the theory that has been widely accepted within the context of Categorial Grammar, Mouret's HPSG-based theory, and the theory proposed by Bachrach and Katzir in the framework of the Minimalist Program. It is found (i) that the CG-based theory of non-constituent coordination cannot deal with medial RNR, i.e. a subset of right-node raising constructions in which either all or a part of the right-node-raised material is realized at a location other than the right edge of the final conjunct, (ii) that Mouret's theory encounters similar difficulties when applied to RNR, and (iii) that Bachrach and Katzir's theory cannot be applied to left-node raising in English, has difficulty capturing the semantic inertness of medial RNR, and overgenerates in several ways. The ellipsis-based theory, on the other hand, appears to be consistent with all the observations.

Investor-State Dispute Settlement under NAFTA Chapter 11: The Shape of Things to Come?

1998 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 263-290
Author(s):  
J. Anthony VanDuzer
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Minimum Standards ◽  
The North ◽  
State Behaviour ◽  
Nafta Chapter 11 ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

SummaryRecently, there has been a proliferation of international agreements imposing minimum standards on states in respect of their treatment of foreign investors and allowing investors to initiate dispute settlement proceedings where a state violates these standards. Of greatest significance to Canada is Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which provides both standards for state behaviour and the right to initiate binding arbitration. Since 1996, four cases have been brought under Chapter 11. This note describes the Chapter 11 process and suggests some of the issues that may arise as it is increasingly resorted to by investors.

What face familiarity feelings say about the lateralization of specific entities within the core system

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Gainotti
Keyword(s):  
Temporal Lobe ◽  
Memory System ◽  
Core System ◽  
The Core ◽  
Memory Traces ◽  
Specific Memory ◽  
Target Article ◽  
Temporal Structures ◽  
The Right

Abstract The target article carefully describes the memory system, centered on the temporal lobe that builds specific memory traces. It does not, however, mention the laterality effects that exist within this system. This commentary briefly surveys evidence showing that clear asymmetries exist within the temporal lobe structures subserving the core system and that the right temporal structures mainly underpin face familiarity feelings.

Study of charge transfer in FeTi

1983 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 296-297
Author(s):  
J. Taft∅
Keyword(s):  
Charge Transfer ◽  
Charge Distribution ◽  
Electron Scattering ◽  
Periodic System ◽  
Electron Distribution ◽  
Scattering Amplitude ◽  
Transition Elements ◽  
Hartree Fock ◽  
Cscl Structure ◽  
The Right

It is well known that for reflections corresponding to large interplanar spacings (i.e., sin θ/λ small), the electron scattering amplitude, f, is sensitive to the ionicity and to the charge distribution around the atoms. We have used this in order to obtain information about the charge distribution in FeTi, which is a candidate for storage of hydrogen. Our goal is to study the changes in electron distribution in the presence of hydrogen, and also the ionicity of hydrogen in metals, but so far our study has been limited to pure FeTi. FeTi has the CsCl structure and thus Fe and Ti scatter with a phase difference of π into the 100-ref lections. Because Fe (Z = 26) is higher in the periodic system than Ti (Z = 22), an immediate “guess” would be that Fe has a larger scattering amplitude than Ti. However, relativistic Hartree-Fock calculations show that the opposite is the case for the 100-reflection. An explanation for this may be sought in the stronger localization of the d-electrons of the first row transition elements when moving to the right in the periodic table. The tabulated difference between fTi (100) and ffe (100) is small, however, and based on the values of the scattering amplitude for isolated atoms, the kinematical intensity of the 100-reflection is only 5.10-4 of the intensity of the 200-reflection.

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