scholarly journals Panteleimon Kulish as a Ukrainian informator (based on epistolary literature)

Obraz ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (32) ◽  
pp. 30-38
Author(s):  
Kateryna Tymofieieva

The article is devoted to the coverage of the epistolary work of Panteleimon Kulish, who by his titanic work was able to cover all spheres of the then cultural and political life of Ukraine and to become an informant. The purpose of the article is to identify the communicative and informational components in the cultural and political activity of P. Kulish. Through persistent and tireless publishing, journalistic, translation, literary-critical, writing, pedagogical, historical-ethnographic work and public-political and educational activities, Kulish has proved to be a brilliant Ukrainian informant. All of Kulish’s informative activity was aimed at the ascending mission – awakening the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people! The creation of the Ukrainian national space is the key to the successful and dignified life of the Ukrainian people. Keywords: P. Kulish, epistolary, communication, informative activity, national consciousness.

Urban History ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 586-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
SARAH REES JONES

ABSTRACT:The York House Books provide much-cited evidence of Richard III's relationship with the City of York in 1485, yet the nature and purpose of the House Books has never been satisfactorily explored. Through a focus on the records of a single year (1476–77), this article places their development within the context of new forms of civic bureaucracy in England and France in which the recording of emotions and speech had particular rhetorical and political significance in the reign of Edward IV. This expanding culture of civic literacy led not only to the creation of fuller records of civic politics and events (including the surviving texts of the Corpus Christi drama), but also enabled new forms of political activity.


Author(s):  
Nina Grishina ◽  

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
Irina Vladimirovna Samarkina ◽  
Igor Stanislavovich Bashmakov

This article is devoted to the study of urban youth local identity in a large and medium city. This identity is manifested in everyday interaction with the urban community, its socio-political institutions and visitors and affect the level of public and political participation, the presence of constructive civic practices. The aim is to identify and describe the main components and place of local youth identity in the system of social identities in large and medium-sized cities of Krasnodar krai (Krasnodar, Novorossiysk, Sochi and Armavir). The empirical basis of the study was made up of focus group transcripts conducted with various groups of young people (schoolchildren, students, and working youth). To verify the conceptual model a modified version of the Kuhn-McPartland method was used. On the basis of the conducted empirical research, the place of local identity in the system of urban youth social and territorial identities was revealed. The dependence between the size of a city and a cohort of young people and a local identity was shown. Such components of young people local identity as awareness of the city and its socio-political life, attitude towards representatives of other communities, a sense of their involvement in city life, the desire to stay and live in the city, the will to work for the benefit of the city, to participate in its socio-political life. The study made it possible to identify the valence of youth identity (negative, neutral, positive). The trajectories of young people spatial mobility that affect the degree of actualization and valence of local identity were also described. The dependence between the strength of youth local identity and participation in public and political activity for the benefit of the city and the region, participation in the activities of public and political organizations has been revealed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Ian Worthington

Chapter 10 begins with a consideration of the constitution and political activity in Athens, followed by a change in the Athenian attitude toward Rome and the activities of Mithridates VI of Pontus. Mithridates’ clashes with Rome led to him seek allies in Greece, especially Athens. His case polarized Athenian politics, but the people voted to support him, and hence declared war on Rome. The Romans sent Sulla to Greece, who besieged Athens. Eventually the city capitulated, and Sulla’s men then killed many citizens and destroyed many buildings. The city’s economy was destroyed; Delos defected; further restraints were made on the city’s political life; and even artistic output was affected. Yet Roman visitors to Athens began to increase in the years after Sulla, including to study there, and Greek culture continued to be attractive to Romans.


1981 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. O'Neil

The period after the repulse of Xerxes' invasion is one of the more obscure in Greek history, and this is particularly true of the eclipse of Themistokles and the history of the Peloponnese in the seventies and sixties. On the period of Themistokles' ostracism before the flight which led him to Persia Thucydides says only that he was ostracized and lived at Argos while also travelling to the rest of the Peloponnese. Other writers add a few details to Thucydides' account on other aspects of the ostracism, but tell us even less on the sojourn in Argos. Diodoros and Plutarch merely tell us that he lived there in exile while Nepos informs us that Themistokles' virtuous and dignified life in Argos aroused resentment.Now Themistokles did not remain inactive in exile. The Spartans had some good reason to wish to remove him from Argos. The activities which aroused the Spartans' distrust are probably referred to by Thucydides' remark that Themistokles journeyed to the rest of the Peloponnese. It is usually concluded that Themistokles was involved in the creation of an anti-Spartan coalition and that a major part of this policy may have been the establishment of democratic governments in and the synoecism of the cities of Elis and Mantineia.But we lack any clear evidence on Themistokles' actions in this period and the hypothesis rests principally on deductions from two brief passages. The first is from Herodotos and records that in 479 b.c. the Mantineian and Eleian contingents arrived too late to take part in the battle of Plataia and on their return both cities banished their commanders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Anna VARANYTSIA

The profession of a national teacher is considered in the context of the demands of the national movement against the background of aggravation of Polish-Ukrainian controversies in Galicia in the second half of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. Paragraph 19 of the Basic Law on Citizens' Responsibilities and Rights provided for equal opportunities for the development of their own education and language for representatives of all nationalities of the Habsburg Monarchy. Due to the fact that the policy of decentralization of Franz Joseph I was implemented, first of all, under pressure from the Polish and Hungarian elites, the Poles in Galicia considered their own right to fill the intellectual and cultural space freed from Germanization. However, they were opposed by a numerical Russian element, calling for equality proclaimed at the state level. In this context, the issue of public schooling has become extremely acute, because primary school was the instrument that allowed spreading national consciousness among the general public. Particularly contradictions emerged after 1869, when the general school obligation was introduced. Changes in the perception of the role of the teacher are also associated with these transformations. As the lowest level of the intelligentsia, according to national discourse, the national teachers obliged the figures of the national movement to act as mediators between the wider social groups and the intellectual elite. These responsibilities were often at odds with the teacher's educational function and forced him to seek a compromise between national and professional requirements. The choice of a teacher in favor of national responsibilities has often caused conflicts with the school administration and the provincial authorities. The practice of community-based translation also made it difficult for teachers to engage with local communities. The local school board used the transfer of especially active teachers in the national movement to ethnically other communities as a form of punishment for political activity within the school. This meant that the Ruthenian teachers often found themselves in an almost completely Polish environment, and the Poles - in Russian. Such translations adversely affected the quality of work, both because of linguistic problems and moral and psychological pressure. On the other hand, the moment of the teacher's personal values ​​was important. A large number of teachers viewed their profession through the lens of humanism, that is, service without exception to everyone, regardless of nationality. These teachers abandoned the demands of the national movement, provoking condemnation and accusations in the absence of national consciousness. Keywords Galicia, teacher, national movement, intellectuals.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 126-130
Author(s):  
Mojtaba Ebrahimian

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-89) is undoubtedly one of the twentiethcentury’s key international revolutionary figures whose role is definitive tomodern Iranian history. A massive amount of scholarship has been producedin Iran about him; this is not the case, however, in the English-speaking world.This publication by a collection of eminent scholars of Iranian studies, therefore,examines the critical impact of his political thought and religious philosophywithin and beyond Iran.In “Introduction,” editor Arshin Adib-Moghaddam provides a brief summaryof Khomeini’s political life before, during, and after the revolution. Inhis view, the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary discourse not only triggeredunprecedented sociopolitical changes, but also influenced the subjectivity ofIranian citizens. Moreover, he maintains that the two pillars of the ayatollah’spolitical thought were a “strong state” and “independence from foreign influences,”which are still adamantly pursued today (p. 15).Fakhreddin Azimi, in “Khomeini and the ‘White Revolution,’” looks atthe social context of his rise to prominence in the pre-revolutionary decades.With the dissolution of Reza Shah’s autocratic rule in 1941, secular and leftistdiscourses gained enough momentum to threaten the religious establishment.Despite these changes, the leading Shi‘i ulema maintained a quietist stanceuntil the middle of twentieth century (p. 19). During the 1960s, Khomeini initiatedhis rigorous anti-Shah political activity by combining “a stern moralismon gender issues and sociopersonal freedoms” with “forceful professions of ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (26) ◽  
pp. 282-290
Author(s):  
Oksana Kravchenko ◽  
Nataliia Pyzhianova ◽  
Uliya Pidvalna ◽  
Iryna Reznichenko

This article is devoted to the study of the educational activities of P. Kulish, which consisted in the creation of Ukrainian educational literature, preservation of monuments of national folklore. The following scientific research methods were used in the preparation of the article: method of generalization, method of comparisons and analogies, chronological and induction method. They pay attention to the analysis of the historical work called «The story about Ukrainian people». It was noted that it was one of the first educational books on the history of Ukraine, which, along with descriptions of historical events, included folklore material, taking into account some folk songs translated into Russian. The structure and content of the textbook for teaching grammar in the Ukrainian language “Gramatka” are examined in detail in the article. It is stated that the textbook contains a preface, twelve sections. The textbook's teaching material covers not only reading and writing skills, but also arithmetic, general historical science information. Also, for the first time, samples of oral folk art and other folk monuments were used as educational material. The results of the analysis of P. Kulish's textbook “Gramatka” suggest that it implements the basic functions of the textbook, namely: information, development and education. The textbook is clearly structured, it contains basic and additional texts, illustrations, various types of tasks and exercises. The authors point to P. Kulish's key role in publishing literary works of Ukrainian writers in separate brochures. It is noted that the creation and spread of religious works in the mother tongue was an important element in raising the overall educational level of the Ukrainian people. The results of the study indicate that P. Kulish's educational activities in the native language were effective through the means of educational, religious and popular science literature.


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