Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures

Author(s):  
Nina Grishina ◽  

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-171
Author(s):  
Irina Vladimirovna Samarkina ◽  
Igor Stanislavovich Bashmakov

This article is devoted to the study of urban youth local identity in a large and medium city. This identity is manifested in everyday interaction with the urban community, its socio-political institutions and visitors and affect the level of public and political participation, the presence of constructive civic practices. The aim is to identify and describe the main components and place of local youth identity in the system of social identities in large and medium-sized cities of Krasnodar krai (Krasnodar, Novorossiysk, Sochi and Armavir). The empirical basis of the study was made up of focus group transcripts conducted with various groups of young people (schoolchildren, students, and working youth). To verify the conceptual model a modified version of the Kuhn-McPartland method was used. On the basis of the conducted empirical research, the place of local identity in the system of urban youth social and territorial identities was revealed. The dependence between the size of a city and a cohort of young people and a local identity was shown. Such components of young people local identity as awareness of the city and its socio-political life, attitude towards representatives of other communities, a sense of their involvement in city life, the desire to stay and live in the city, the will to work for the benefit of the city, to participate in its socio-political life. The study made it possible to identify the valence of youth identity (negative, neutral, positive). The trajectories of young people spatial mobility that affect the degree of actualization and valence of local identity were also described. The dependence between the strength of youth local identity and participation in public and political activity for the benefit of the city and the region, participation in the activities of public and political organizations has been revealed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.


Author(s):  
Iryna Muzyka

The scientific achievements and social and political activity of Sergiy Shelukhin and its influence on the formation of the concept of independent state of Ukraine in the political and legal thought and state-making practice of the governments and political figures of the UNR, the Directory and public political organizations of Ukrainian political emigration are considered. The figure of Sergiy Shelukhin in the history of Ukraine has been symbolic for over a century, as his scientific and socio-political activities have largely contributed to the restoration of the sovereign right of the Ukrainian people to an independent state. His conception of Ukrainian statehood, the origin of the name "Ukraine" is today an integral part of the ideological basis for determining priority directions in contemporary Ukrainian politics, in the context of building an independent independent Ukraine, in terms of forming state ideology and national dignity. In the period of national liberation competitions the main topic of scientific research of the scientist was the origin of the Ukrainian state. It was his intelligence that formed the basis for memoranda, statements, and international treaties of the time. Shelukhin proved that for the Ukrainian people the right of state sovereignty was restored not only as a result of the renunciation of the tsar and release from the oath of nationality, but also on the contractual grounds of the act of 1654 connection between Ukraine and Russia, since this connection was only the face of the tsar-protector. Thus, on February 28, 1917, the Ukrainian people, on the basis of their historical rights and legal consequences, renounced the tsar and exempted him from the oath by legal means, regained his sovereignty over himself and his Ukrainian statehood. Scientist in historical monographs "Where does Russia come from:" Names: Rus, Galicia, Ukraine and Little Russia "(1928)," The Theory of Celtic Origin of Kievan Rus from France "(1929)," Ukraine - the Name of Our Land from the Ancient Times "(1936) for the first time explores the problem of the origin of the terms "Rus", "Ukraine", "Russia", "Mala Rus". These studies have played and play an extremely important role in refuting political speculation and falsification regarding the origin of Ukrainians and the emergence of Ukrainian statehood. During his life, S. Shelukhin's works have gained recognition among lawyers, historians, and political figures both in Ukraine and abroad.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 84-88
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  

The basis for the statutory regulation of political parties is the consolidation of relevant norms in the federal laws “On Political Parties”, “On Public Associations”, “On Basic Guarantees of Electoral Rights and the right to participate in a referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation”, “On Elections of Deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation”, “On Elections of the President of the Russian Federation”. Political parties have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives, and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the tasks of the party is to participate in public administration by representing the population’s interests during elections at various levels. The normative legal acts regulating the activities of political parties are updated and amended in accordance with the realities of the life of society. Amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have been adopted, and a number of conditions governing the establishment and functioning of political parties and their regional branches in the regional dimension have changed dramatically. The amendments to the federal law “On Political Parties” have changed the conditions for the establishment and operation of political parties, in particular, the minimum number of a political party’s members when it is created has been reduced to 500 members; the approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (47) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Alberto Paulo Neto

A legitimidade política representa a relação adequada entre o Estado de Direito e os cidadãos. A ordem estatal expressa as suas determinações e sua exigência de obrigação por meio da legislação. Os cidadãos avaliam se o “império da lei” não se constitui em restrição ao status social de livres e não-dominados. A teoria política republicana de Philip Pettit propicia os instrumentos avaliativos da atuação da ordem política segundo o critério da legitimidade. Os cidadãos republicanos devem possuir o controle popular para a garantia da aceitação da ordem política legítima. O controle popular tem as características de individualidade, incondicionalidade e eficácia. Os participantes da vida política avaliam as determinações políticas com referência ao “teste de sorte bruta”. Este possibilita inquirir se as decisões políticas têm aceitabilidade racional e não se estabeleceram de forma arbitrária. A liberdade republicana é o fundamento e a bússola da ação dos cidadãos e da estrutura normativa das instituições políticas.[Political legitimacy represents the right relationship between the Rule of Law and citizens. The State order expresses its determinations and its requirement of obligation through the legislation. Citizens assess whether the "Rule of Law" does not constitute a restriction on the social status of the free and non-dominated. Philip Pettit's republican political theory propitiates the evaluation instruments of the political order according to the criterion of legitimacy. Republican citizens must have popular control to ensure the acceptance of legitimate political order. Popular control has the characteristics of individuality, unconditionality and effectiveness. Participants in political life evaluate political determinations with reference to the "tough luck test". This makes it possible to inquire whether political decisions have rational acceptability and are not established arbitrarily. Republican freedom is the foundation and compass of citizens' action and the normative framework of political institutions.]


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Summers

AbstractThe right of peoples to self-determination occupies a prominent position in a number of key international instruments, like the Human Rights Covenants and the United Nations Charter. Yet, despite this, many questions remain about the right in international law. This article is an analysis of the right which will look at its language in relation to its practical application. Its focus is on self-determination as a rhetoric, which, it is argued, is used to legitimize political activities by presenting those activities in terms of peoples and their self-realization. It will be further argued that as political rhetoric self-determination is most likely to be invoked in the institutions that direct and provide a focus for political life. This produces the paradox in the right. Although the rhetoric of self-determination suggests that peoples and their characteristics provide the basis for political institutions, the right, in fact, seems to be shaped in large part by those institutions. This, in turn, has important implications for how self-determination should be looked at in relation to other legal principles.


Author(s):  
Olga Katola

The paper seeks to explore main stages of the lifeline of S. Shelukhyn as well as characterize his public and political activities, the scholarly achievements, literary and publicistic legacy of the scholar and politician. His classical graduate studies, professional and career background of the lawyer-practician, a shaping of his social and political views and scholarly interests are revealed in the historical circumstances of that time. A particular attention has been paid to his public activities. He was an active founder and member of the socio-political organizations signi ficantly contributing into a development of the national movement. With the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution, S. Shelukhyn as a delegate, a leading member of the Ukrainian Party of the Socialists-Federalists to the Ukrainian parliament, the Ukrainian Central Council (Rada), was particularly engaged in social and political work. After the proclamation of the UNR, holding high-ranking state posts, he opposed the federation with Russia. The positive aspects of his political life are establishment and activities of the public organi zations, scientific institutions, teaching at the Ukrainian high schools, a fruitful collaboration with the press. The S. Shelukhyn’s scholarly heritage is represented here. Specifically, the studies in history and origin of the Rus-Ukraine, history of the Ukrainian law (in particular, in the field of the criminal and civil law), political sciences and so on, are presented here. The article distinguishes a particularly active scholar ship of S. Shelukhyn in the émigré period. One of the biggest achieve ments of this historian and scholar is the making of argumentation basis for legitimization of the right of the Ukrainian people at restoration and building of the independent state. His beloved interest to literature and creative talent fostered poetry printing on the pages of many press publi cations, mainly of the citizen and patriotic motifs as well as translations of the belles lettres. His publicistic texts were a continuation of his social and political work. They conveyed to the readers his views, senti ments and beliefs shaping the self-consciousness of the Ukrainian nation and broadening horizons of knowledge. Keywords: Serhiy Shelukhyn, the Ukrai nian Central Council (Rada), social and political work, etatist ideology, the Ukrai nian law, emigration, scholarship, publicism, literary works.


2012 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Orekhovsky

In the paper the nature of Russian corruption is considered along the lines proposed by D. North, J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. The author considers patron-client networks as basic political and economic actors of the limited access order. The redistributive rent allocated within patron-client networks is not a corruption phenomenon. The main factor that is able to destroy patron-client networks and autonomous centers of power is the right to contestation (liberalization) according to R. Dahl. Realization of that right together with the right to participate in political life enables transition to the open access society.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-236
Author(s):  
Manol Stanin

AbstractLimitation of rights is a measure proved its effectiveness with positive results for the community in war, military or another emergency.Attitude to rightsmust be human with a view to the right-to-human relationshipbecause the crossing of a certain boundary leads to a disintegration of rights and a negative impact on the personality.This implies necessity from legal institutionalization of clear criteria to refine the limitation of rights, both for the purpose of their protection and for the purpose of protecting the individual.


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