scholarly journals RADICALISING THE TRADITIONALISTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainul Hamdi
Keyword(s):  
New Order ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
Civic Organization ◽  
The Public ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The One ◽  
Radical Organizations

The post-New Order Indonesian politics has provided a political opportunity structure for the state towards democratization. It has a double-edged sword whatsoever: on the one hand democratization could lead to the civic engagement, but on the other hand, it provides a hot bed for the flourishing of anti-civic organization. As for the latter, following the fall of authoritarian regime of new Order in 1998, Indonesians have also witnessed the birth of transnational Islamist and radical organizations threatening the state’s integrity and peaceful coexistence of the citizens. Amid the public appearance of these radical organization, an issue of ideological infiltration and sabotage of radical organization upon mainstreaming moderate Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah do exist. This article tries to reveal the impacts of a such infiltration practices and the extent that radical narratives win the minds and hearts of important Muslim leaders. Taking a closer a look to Muslim leaders in Sampang district in the island of Madura, the centrum of traditionalist Muslim in Indonesian Islamo-landscape, finds out that intolerant and radical ideologies do resonate clearly among the leaders. This finding resort as an alarm and counter-narrative to the long-admired Islamic traditionalism as an important backbone for moderate Islam in Indonesia.  

Technological Illusions and Educational Resistances

2016 ◽  
pp. 428-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Villanueva-Mansilla
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
The Public ◽  
One Laptop Per Child ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One

OLPC, the One Laptop Per Child initiative, was accepted by just a few countries, including Peru. The largest acquisition of computers has produced a fairly low impact in education and is now being quietly phased-out. Peru's government decision to adopt the computers, back in 2007, was not contested or questioned by the political class, the media or even teachers, with just a rather small number of specialists arguing against it. This chapters discussed the political and argumentative processes that brought OLPC into the public sphere, through the use of a specific narrative, that of hackerism, i.e., the hacker attitude towards computers, and how social and political validation resulted in adoption. An assessment of the process of framing OLPC as a hacker product and the perils of such reasoning lead to discuss the need for a counter-narrative about the role of computers in society.

Peasant Movements and State Elites in Post-New Order West Java: A Case Study of Sundanese Peasant Union

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 86-108
Author(s):  
Iqra Anugrah
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
West Java ◽  
National State ◽  
Peasant Movements ◽  
Agrarian Reforms

This article is an examination of the case study of the Sundanese Peasant Union (Serikat Petani Pasundan,spp) in post-authoritarian Indonesia. It aims to answer the question of whysppand West Javanese peasant movements in general are able to force local and national state elites to accommodate some elements of agrarian reforms promoted by the peasants. I argue that the new political opportunity structure provides a new opportunity for West Javanese peasant movements andsppto organize as a successful social movement.

Indigenous Peoples and Neoliberal “Privatization” in Canada: Opportunities, Cautions and Constraints

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiona MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Débat Public ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Peuples Autochtones ◽  
Governmental Strategy

Abstract.This article addresses the impact of the current neoliberal political context for Indigenous governance in Canada. While some observers have argued correctly that the neoliberal context provides new opportunities or points of entry in the political opportunity structure for “self-government” initiatives (Helvin, 2006; Scott, 2006; Slowey, 2008), I examine to what extent recent decentralizing initiatives, generally viewed as “concessions” made by the state to meet the demands of Indigenous peoples, must be evaluated as part of a broader governmental strategy of neoliberalism. This strategy is not simply about meeting the demands of Indigenous peoples but also about meeting the requirements of the contemporary governmental shift towards “privatization” within liberal democratic states. As such, I argue that certain manifestations of Indigenous self-government are vulnerable to criticisms launched against practices of privatization, practices which include a variety of policies designed to promote a shifting of contentious issues out of the public sphere and thereby limiting public debate and collective—that is, state—responsibility.Résumé.Le présent article analyse d'un oeil critique l'impact du contexte politique néolibéral actuel sur la gouvernance autochtone au Canada. Certains auteurs ont avancé avec raison que le contexte néolibéral donnait aux peuples autochtones de nouveaux points d'entrée pour leurs initiatives d'autogouvernance (Helvin, 2006; Scott, 2006; Slowey, 2008). Toutefois, j'examine ici dans quelle mesure les tentatives récentes de décentralisation, souvent comprises comme des «concessions» faites par l'État pour répondre aux revendications des peuples autochtones, doivent être évaluées dans le cadre plus vaste d'une stratégie de néolibéralisme du gouvernement. Cette stratégie ne vise pas uniquement à répondre aux besoins des peuples autochtones, mais aussi à permettre au gouvernement de s'orienter vers la «privatisation» qui distingue l'État libéral démocratique contemporain. À ce titre, je soutiens que certaines manifestations d'autogouvernance des Autochtones peuvent se prêter aux mêmes critiques que les pratiques de privatisation, qui comprennent diverses politiques visant à retirer de la place publique certains sujets controversés afin de limiter le débat public et la responsabilité collective, c'est-à-dire celle de l'État.

scholarly journals Popular Piety and the Muslim Middle Class Bourgeoisie in Indonesia

Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Lukis Alam
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Popular Piety ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One ◽  
Mode Of Consumption

This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society.  At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.

scholarly journals Interpretation of democracy, pluralism and tolerance among the young activists of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 275
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum ◽  
Priyono Tri Febrianto ◽  
Esa Nur Wahyuni
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Public ◽  
Direct Observations ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
National Life ◽  
Younger Generation ◽  
Radical Organizations

Anarchism and other forms of violence committed by religious groups and mass organizations are still very common in Indonesia. There have been violations of human rights, religious freedom and civil liberties, which are essential pillars of democracy. Indonesia, as a country that adheres to religious freedom regards all forms of intolerance as violations of democracy. This study described and explored the views of young cadres of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in Malang, East Java, about democracy, pluralism and tolerance. This research intended to unravel some of the issues of how young generations of Muhammadiyah and NU understand democracy, pluralism and tolerance and if their views are associated with their social construction. This study employed qualitative methods using interviews and direct observations to collect the data. The results of this study showed there were differences in the patterns between the younger generation and the older generation of Muhammadiyah. The members of Muhammadiyah recognized that the young cadres of Muhammadiyah tended to act more violently towards intolerant mass organizations compared to their senior (old cadre) generation. The senior cadres, such as the Muhammadiyah Youth, were more likely to be calm when responding to the presence of radical organizations. The senior cadres of Muhammadiyah tended to be open-minded with the community organizations that are perceived by the public to be a radical mass organization, which is fundamental in addressing the presence of radical organizations. This view indicated by the absence sense of precariousness or a situation that is considered to be very threatening to religious and national life while still in the corridor of diversity. On the other hand, the younger generation of Nahdlatul Ulama showed a different pattern, revealing that their seniors tended to be harsher in responding to radical organizations and supporting mass organizations.

scholarly journals The communicative power of trade unionism: labour law, political opportunity structure and social movement strategy

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-2020) ◽  
pp. 286-309
Author(s):  
Gregoris Ioannou
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Movement Strategy ◽  
Communicative Power

This article argues that more emphasis should be paid to the communicative power of trade unionism because it may constitute a starting point or a privileged standpoint which a trade union may use to counter its weakness regarding its other sources of power. Reviewing the trade union revitalisation literature, it is argued that social movement theory in general and especially ‘political opportunity structure’, can complement and enrich the power resources approach which is a useful tool in the analysis of trade union action. The case study of a weak trade union winning a strike largely as a result of its successful utilisation of its communicative power is presented where the public communication of the two sides to the conflict is subjected to content and discourse analysis. The article argues that trade unions can enhance their position through the adaptation of social movement strategy and campaign tactics into trade union activity because social movements are more accustomed to orienting their action in the public sphere. In this effort trade unions may draw upon the more explicitly normative and substantive dimension of labour law as a resource to legitimise and garner support for the unions’ objectives framing in a more expansive manner the issues at stake so that a significant section of society can identify with the trade union struggle at hand.

scholarly journals DI ANTARA DUA ARUS: STUDI FENOMENOLOGI NARASI PASCA ISLAMISME ANAK MUDA MUSLIM DI YOGYAKARTA

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Arif Budi Darmawan ◽  
Ayu Dwi Susanti ◽  
Azinuddin Ikram Hakim ◽  
Fadhil Naufal
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
New Order ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Politics Of Religion ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Spiritual Expression ◽  
Islamist Movements

The end of the New Order era is an opportunity to develop a new structure in Indonesia. The beginning of the reformation era was marked by the emergence of the Islamist movements or the rising religious spirit era. In this article, the term Islamism is not defined as a discourse within politics of religion, but it refers to narrative spiritual expression in the public space. In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. This research found that Islamism that occurs in family milieu and in the circle of a friendship has created anxiety mong them. This anxiety appears in the form of disagreement on monolithic definition of Islamism, the criticism of the new pattern of piety in the public space, and the counter narrative to the Islamism phenomenon. Pasca runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru seolah menjadi ‘keran’ bagi terbukanya sistem dan struktur sosial di masyarakat, salah satunya ditandai dengan menguatnya Islamisme atau kebangkitan semangat beragama. Islamisme yang akan diulas di penelitian ini bukan merujuk pada diskursus relasi politik agama, namun lebih kepada eksistensi dari ekspresi keagamaan yang muncul dalam bentuk meningkatnya penggunaan atribut Islam di ruang publik. Penelitian ini secara khusus berupaya memberikan gambaran bagaimana pemuda Muslim mengkritisi fenomena Islamisme dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya Islamisme yang terjadi di ruang lingkup keluarga dan pertemanan melahirkan berbagai keresahan bagi anak muda. Keresahan itu terwujud melalui ketidaksetujuan tentang pemaknaan baru dalam Islam yang dinilai homogen, kritik atas pola kesalehan di ruang publik, dan munculnya konter narasi berupa perlawanan atas fenomena Islamisme.

Citra Islam Moderat: Aksi Cyber PR dari PWNU Jawa Timur

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-232
Author(s):  
Sam Abede Pareno ◽  
M Rif’an Arif
Keyword(s):  
Text Structure ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
The Public ◽  
Expert Opinions ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Key Word ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Selection Of

ABSTRACT Religious traditions in Indonesia are known to be very moderate and tolerant abroad is a reflection of the character of a great noble nation. Between religion, tradition and culture are able to perform compounds so as to create a genuine religious harmony. Because of this reality Indonesia is regarded as the largest Muslim majority country in the world that almost without conflict, in the midst of reality Muslim countries in the Middle East that impressed the dispute into the daily menu. However, the reality of Indonesia as a moderate nation is injured by the act of a group that is fond of terrorism and radicalism by riding Islamic religious teachings. Thus, this reversed religion is assumed as a source of cruelty.   It is through that phenomenon researcher, feel the need to examine the strategy of disseminating moderate Islam by Nahdlatul Ulama. The selection of this Islamic organization according to the authors due to its success in moderating Islam in Indonesia. In this study, the study using a qualitative approach or method as well as adopting the theory of Van Dijk discourse analysis as a scalpel to peel the discourse of moderate Islam published by PWNU East Java through the website. As for this research, the findings are important, among others are: 1) moderate Islamic discourse campaigned by Nahdlatul Ulama East Java is categorized into three segments, namely social, religious and nationality. 2) the text structure that builds moderate Islamic discourse NU East Java in Van Dijk perspective constructed in three domains, namely text, social cognition and social context. 3) the principles of Public Relationship implemented by NU through cyber (online media), among others; News publications and expert opinions, production of image and video-based information, and updating official NU information to the public about their attitudes and views on the phenomena that occur by promoting the values of Islamic moderatism. Key Word : Islamic Moderatism, Nahdlatul Ulama, Cyber Public Relationship

Comparing The Principalship of Madrasah and Sekolah in The Decentralization Era

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 24-35
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
School Leadership ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Centralized Management ◽  
Decentralization Policy

The downfall of the New Order Regime in 1998 brought about significant change to Indonesia’s public sector.  Law number 22 of 1999, further refined by Law 32 of 2004, provide legal bases for district governments to administer the public sector. The central government also introduces the notion of good governance through the promulgation of various regulations. For Madrasah however, decentralization policy failed to provide clear legal bases as to how it relates to district government. Law 32 of 2004 verse 10 article 3 retains the centralized management by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. This however does not exclude Madrasah from public demand of implementing the principle of good governance. This study analyses the dynamics of principal-ship both in the Sekolah and the Madrasah in the era of decentralization. By comparing two research sites, this study sought to create better understanding about the context by which the organization climate of two different schools are shaped, and how principals and teachers perceives the notion of school leadership in the light of most recent policy development. To do this, interviews were undertaken and questionnaire-based data collection was also conducted. The study found that in the ground level implementation of decentralization policy, Sekolah developed more rigorous leadership compared to that in the Madrasah. This research recommends the adoption of stronger regulation regarding principal-ship of Madrasahs in order to create an environment that is more in tune with the spirit of public service reforms.

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