scholarly journals Popular Piety and the Muslim Middle Class Bourgeoisie in Indonesia

Al-Albab ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Lukis Alam

This paper discusses the passion of Islamization of the New Order, at the same time the mainstream of this power is based on economic development that provides opportunities for the growth of the Muslim middle class. Patronage model used by the New Order gives an indication that the power built by this regime wants to instill a strong influence in society.  At the same time, the New Order is depoliticizing the political attitudes of Muslims. This has implications for the marginalization of the interests of Muslims on the national stage. In this study will also be affirmed the influence of the New Order's power on the presence of the Muslim middle class. On the one hand their birth was the result of the economic development that the New Order echoed. On a different aspect, the presence of the middle class gives strong legitimacy that they are part of the dominating class structure in a country. Also will be reviewed about middle-class interference with the trend of Islamic populism that actually occurred in the era of the 80s, but re-spread after post-reform. Popular Islamic culture becomes a trend that spread through various media such as, internet, magazines, newspapers and so forth. This has received considerable response from middle-class Muslims and led to commodification. Religion facilitates to interact with modernity. Materialistic and hedonistic interests intersect with obedience in the practice of religion. On the one hand, the mode of consumption of the Muslim middle class changes with the adaptation of piety values in the public sphere.

2002 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan McKee

This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.


Author(s):  
Eduardo Villanueva-Mansilla

OLPC, the One Laptop Per Child initiative, was accepted by just a few countries, including Peru. The largest acquisition of computers has produced a fairly low impact in education and is now being quietly phased-out. Peru's government decision to adopt the computers, back in 2007, was not contested or questioned by the political class, the media or even teachers, with just a rather small number of specialists arguing against it. This chapters discussed the political and argumentative processes that brought OLPC into the public sphere, through the use of a specific narrative, that of hackerism, i.e., the hacker attitude towards computers, and how social and political validation resulted in adoption. An assessment of the process of framing OLPC as a hacker product and the perils of such reasoning lead to discuss the need for a counter-narrative about the role of computers in society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Dede Husni Mubarok ◽  
Alief Akbar Musaddad

When the New Order regime fell, demands or aspirations for the formalization of Islamic law in Indonesia were intensively voiced by a group of Muslims, both through the political process and in interactions in the public sphere. However, other secular and Muslim groups are worried about the formalization of Islamic law because many provisions in sharia are considered inconsistent with the pillars of democracy and human rights, such as freedom, gender equality, equality of citizenship, and tolerance. The two seemingly contradictory poles are interesting to study through etymological and terminological approaches to the terms of the Shari’ah in the correlational interpretations of the Qur’an and Sunnah texts and the dynamics of their historical meanings so that it will give birth to the image of Islamic Shari’ah which is friendly, full of peace, and respect for human rights. Therefore, Islamic law, which is flexible, elastic, tolerant, and inclusive, can substantially be applied in the midst of multicultural, multi-religious, and multi-ethnic social realities in the context of upholding democracy and respecting human rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Tomasz Sochański

This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-172
Author(s):  
Andrea Bini

This paper analyzes the work of actor/writer Marco Paolini, and his acclaimed monologue Il racconto del Vajont in particular. In the wake of Dario Fo and Franca Rame’s teatro civile, Paolini’s monolo­gues contributed to the birth of the so-called teatro di narrazione in the 1990s, which can also be defined as “theatre of trauma”, that is, a the­atre that recovers the memory of tragic events from the past. In recent times, trauma has become a central theme of Western narrative, poli­tics, and other forms of representation in the public sphere. Following the thought of philosophers such as Jean-François Lyotard and Slavoj Zižek, the article reads Paolini’s Il racconto del Vajont as a significant example of what writer Kyo Maclear calls “witness art.” Characterized by a crisis of the traditional models of representation in mainstream culture, witness art is conceived by Maclear in opposition to the tradi­tional divisions between art, knowledge, and the political instances of public discourse. Among Paolini’s many performances of Vaiont, the one performed at the same time and place where the tragedy took place 34 years before, and broadcasted live on RAI 2 in 1997, stands out for its uniqueness. That night, Paolini evoked the reenactment of a trau­matic experience by its witnesses, and, on a wider scale, by the audien­ce watching television at home. An almost forgotten tragedy became a media event, and for the first time trauma witnessing as such—and not as a means for a specific political claim—became part of the public discourse in the elaboration of post-1989 Italy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Sri Handayana ◽  
Muhamad Rezi

<p><em>MTQ is a manifestation of Islamic culture and is constantly evolving. MTQ is also one of the government policies related to Muslims and even seems to </em><em>accommodate</em><em> the interests of Muslims. The author believes that MTQ can be investigated from various aspects. If viewed from a religious perspective, MTQ is one way to improve spiritual life. If viewed from an economic standpoint, MTQ can support economic development through exhibitions or bazaars held in the main arena. Whereas if it is highlighted with the political glasses of MTQ, perhaps on the one hand the government is accommodating towards Muslims. This paper attempts to describe MTQ and its ins and outs, then also attempts to analyze MTQ as a form of aesthetic reception of the Qur'an and the political dimension of MTQ. The effort to express the Koran aesthetically has actually emerged since the time of the Prophet Muhammad. One of the most popular stories is about the Islamic story of Umar ibn Khattab after hearing the reading of several verses of the Qur'an by his younger sister named Fatimah with her husband named Sa'id bin Zayd. Therefore MTQ is an opportunity to develop the art of reading the Qur'an, and an event to foster awareness to read and study the Qur'an.</em></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-211
Author(s):  
Lee Michael-Berger

The story of The Cenci’s first production is intriguing, since the play, based on the true story of a sixteenth-century Roman family and revolving around the theme of parricide, was published in 1819 but was denied a licence for many years. The Shelley Society finally presented it in 1886, although it was vetoed by the Lord Chamberlain, and to avoid censorship it had to be proclaimed as a private event. This article examines the political and social context of the production, especially the reception of actress’s Alma Murray’s rendition of Beatrice, the parricide, thus probing the ways in which The Cenci question was reframed, and placed in the public sphere, despite censorship. The staging of the play became the site of a political debate and the performance – an act of defiance against institutionalised power, but also an act of defiance against the alleged tyranny of mass culture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 292-344
Author(s):  
Vuk Vukotić

This article compares the language ideologies of language experts (both academic and non-academic) in online news media in Lithuania, Norway and Serbia. The results will reveal that language is understood in diametrically opposed ways amongst Lithuanian and Serbian academic experts on the one, and Norwegian academic experts on the other hand. Lithuanian and Serbian academic experts are influenced by modernist ideas of language as a single, homogenous entity, whose borders ideally match the borders of an ethnic group. Norwegian academic experts function in the public sphere as those who try to deconstruct the modernist notion of language by employing an understanding of language as a cognitive tool that performs communicative and other functions. On the other hand, non-academic experts in all the three countries exhibit a striking similarity in their language ideologies, as the great majority expresses modernist ideals of language.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 29-49
Author(s):  
Anna Krzynówek-Arndt

In the concept of revolution there are two essential elements of political life. The first one is the fragility and sensitivity of the world of things created by human beings, lack of durability and strong support of the political order. The other element is the human ability to create and build a new order with hope for its survival. However, a more adequate approach to understand these elements is conceptualization of politics and political actions that anticipate the opening of the public sphere to the traditional and religious arguments (desecularization of religion as an impress of the postmodern epoch), and also to the problems of dignity of human work. What is also important is the awareness that it requires redefinition of the  anthropological assumptions and a radical broadening of understanding how humans act according to what Hannah Arendt proposes. Moreover, it is important to understand that the redefinition means something more than just retouching as it is defined by  Habermas, who believes in “laic communicative power” even in spite of mentioning “complementary learning process” of religion and secular outlook from yourself.


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