Sobre La Prrctica De La Corte Suprema De Chile En El Tratamiento De Las Graves Violaciones a Los Derechos Humanos Cometidas Durante La Dictadura Militar, Entre 1973 Y 1989. (On the Practice of the Supreme Court of Chile in the Treatment of Serious Violations of Human Rights Committed During the Military Dictatorship, between 1973 and 1989).

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Pierre mname Matus Acuua
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-411
Author(s):  
Robson Dias ◽  
Eliane Muniz Lacerda ◽  
Victor Márcio Laus Reis Gomes

Este artigo analisa a cobertura da imprensa durante a ditadura militar no Brasil, com base em cinco casos de religiosos acusados pelo regime de praticar atividades subversivas. A análise corresponde ao período histórico de 1968 a 1977. Os cinco casos em estudo foram selecionados entre dezoito noticiados pela imprensa neste mesmo período. A divulgação feita pelos jornais Folha de S. Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, O Estado de S. Paulo e O Globo totalizou 53 notícias. A cobertura da imprensa é analisada a partir da perspectiva de abordagem da Hipótese da Agenda-setting e do enquadramento dado às notícias. No caso do agendamento da imprensa, tem-se como referência a atuação da Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil (CNBB) como promotora de notícia na defesa dos religiosos e dos direitos humanos. Observa-se também o enquadramento dado pela imprensa aos casos de religiosos acusados de praticar atividades subversivas e se houve uma correlação entre o que a CNBB agendou e o que foi noticiado pelos jornais.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Agendamento. Enquadramento. Imprensa. Espaço público. Regime militar. Igreja. CNBB.     ABSTRACT This research analyzes the covering done by the press during the military dictatorship in Brazil, based on five cases of religious people accused by the military dictatorship for subversive practices. This analysis reports to the historical period dated from 1968 to 1977. The four cases studied were selected among eighteen announced by the press that time. Fifty-three news were published in the following newspapers: Folha de S. Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo. The covering by the press is analyzed from the perspective of hypothesis approach by the Agenda-setting and from the classification given to the news. In the case of press arrangement, the reference is the actuation of the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil - CNBB) as promoter of news and defender of religious people and human rights. It can also be observed the classification given by the press to the cases of religious people accused of subversive practices as well as if there was a link between what the CNBB planned and what was released by the newspapers then.   KEYWORDS: Arrangement. Classification. Press. Public space. Military regime. Church. CNBB.     RESUMEN Este artículo analiza la cobertura de la prensa durante la dictadura militar en Brasil, con base en cinco casos de religiosos acusados ​​por el régimen de practicar actividades subversivas. El análisis corresponde al período histórico de 1968 a 1977. Los cinco casos en estudio fueron seleccionados entre dieciocho noticiados por la prensa en este mismo período. La divulgación hecha por los periódicos Folha de S. Paulo, Jornal do Brasil, El Estado de São Paulo y O Globo totalizó 53 noticias. La cobertura de la prensa se analiza desde la perspectiva de enfoque de la hipótesis de la Agenda-setting y del encuadramiento dado a las noticias. En el caso de la programación de la prensa, se tiene como referencia la actuación de la Conferencia Nacional de los Obispos de Brasil (CNBB) como promotora de noticia en la defensa de los religiosos y de los derechos humanos. Se observa también el encuadramiento dado por la prensa a los casos de religiosos acusados ​​de practicar actividades subversivas y si hubo una correlación entre lo que la CNBB programó y lo que fue noticiado por los diarios.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Programación. Marco. Prensa. Espacio público. Régimen militar. Iglesia. CNBB.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-160
Author(s):  
Silvia Brandão

O artigo se estrutura como um experimento criado a partir de conceitos em geral inventados para pensar outros contextos, mas que operam como ferramentas articuláveis à compreensão da especificidade brasileira. Busco os efeitos que a violência de Estado e suas memórias exercem sobre os regimes de subjetivação do tempo presente, enquanto destaco crimes do Estado ditatorial e sua relação com as violações de direitos humanos operadas em democracia. Assim, a narrativa tem por eixo central os modos de produção das memórias que nos contam, que surgem articulados às políticas governamentais de fazer morrer, deixar morrer implementadas pela ditadura militar, ao mesmo tempo em que emergem conectados com acontecimentos da atualidade. Trata-se de um estudo em percurso, que prioriza a relação entre a Guerrilha do Araguaia, a Covid-19, as memórias fabricadas acerca desses eventos e os modos dominantes do desejar-fazer. O processo se constitui afetado por pensadores como Michel Foucault, Achille Mbembe e David Kopenawa.   Making it die, letting it die: about the memories that are told to us The article is structured as an experiment created from concepts generally invented to think about other contexts, but that operate as tools articulated to the understanding of Brazilian specificities. I look for the effects that state violence and its memories have on the subjectivation regimes of the present time, while I highlight the crimes of the dictatorial state and its relation with the human rights violations operated in the democracy. The narrative has as its central axis the production forms of the memories that are told to us, which appear interconnected with the governmental policies of making it die, letting it die implemented by the military dictatorship, at the same time that they emerge connected with current time events. This is an ongoing study, which prioritizes the similarity between the Araguaia Guerilla War, the Covid-19, the produced memories of these events and the dominant ways of wanting-doing. The process  affected by thinkers like Michel Foucault, Achille Mbembe and David Kopenawa. Keywords: State violence. Memory. Subjectivities. Dictatorship. Covid-19   Hacer morir, dejar morir: sobre los recuerdos que nos dicen El artículo se estructura como un experimento criado a partir de conceptos en general inventados para pensar en otros contextos, pero que operan como herramientas articuladas a la comprensión de la especificidad brasileña. Busco los efectos que la violencia de Estado y sus memorias ejercen en los regímenes de subjetivación del tiempo presente, mientras destaco crímenes del Estado dictatorial y su relación con las violaciones de derechos humanos operadas en la democracia. La narrativa tiene por eje central los modos de producción de las memorias que nos relatan, que surgen vinculados a las políticas gubernamentales de hacer morir, dejar morir implementadas por la dictadura militar, al mismo tiempo que emergen conectados con acontecimientos de la actualidad. Se trata de un estudio en curso, que prioriza la similitud entre la Guerrilla del Araguaia, el Covid-19, las memorias fabricadas sobre estos hechos y los modos dominantes del dejar-hacer. El proceso se constituye afectado por pensadores como Michel Foucault, Achille Mbembe e David Kopenawa. Palabras clave: Violencia de Estado. Memoria. Subjetividades. Dictadura. Covid-19.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Martín Freigedo Peláez

En su mayoría, los crímenes contra los derechos humanos cometidos por el Estado uruguayo en el período previo a la dictadura cívico-militar, y durante la misma, aún están impunes. Esto es consecuencia, en parte, de la aprobación en 1986 de la ley de Caducidad Punitiva del Estado, que limita al Poder Judicial a intervenir sobre estos. Sin embargo, las discusiones políticas en torno a las violaciones de los derechos humanos están latentes y son parte de un proceso que todavía no tiene un punto final. En este sentido, las posiciones de los actores del sistema político han sido muy disímiles y han cambiado según la coyuntura política del país. En este artículo se presentan las posiciones liberales y republicanas de dichos actores para argumentar sus posturas en torno a la vieja discusión teórica sobre los derechos humanos y la soberanía popular. The liberal and republican arguments about the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State: a look from the position of the actors in the political systemAbstract                                                 Most of the crimes against human rights committed by the Uruguayan government during the military dictatorship period remain unpunished. This is due in part, by the adoption in 1986 of Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State, limiting the judiciary to intervene over such crimes. However, policy discussions about the violations of human rights are still present and far from an endpoint. The actors of the political system have taken very different positions over this matter with changes according to the political situation of the country. In this article, we present the liberal and republican positions of these actors to argue their attitude towards the old theoretical discussion of human rights and popular sovereignty. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113
Author(s):  
Nana Tawiah Okyir

This article argues for the strengthening and entrenchment of socio-economic rights provisions in Ghana's jurisprudence. The purpose of this entrenchment is to engender judicial activism in promoting more creative pathways for enforcing socio-economic rights in Ghana. The article traces the development of socio-economic rights in Ghana's jurisprudence, especially the influence of the requirements of the international rights movement, particularly of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The article delves into the constitutional history of Ghana and its impact on the evolution of rights in the country. Of particular historical emphasis is the emergence of socio-economic rights under the Directive Principles of State Policy in the 1979 Constitution. However, the significance of the socio-economic rights only became profound with the return to democratic rule under the 1992 Constitution, again under a distinct chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. However, unlike its counterpart, the chapter on the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, which is directly enforceable, the Directive Principles of State Policy were not. It took the Supreme Court of Ghana a series of landmark decisions until finally, in 2008, it arrived at a presumption of justiciability in respect of all of the provisions in the 1992 Constitution. It is evident that prior to this, the Supreme Court was not willing to apply the same standards of adjudication and enforcement as it ordinarily applies in respect of rights under the chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. Having surmounted the non-justiciability hurdle, what is left is for the courts to begin to vigorously pursue an agenda that puts socio-economic rights at the centre of Ghana's rights adjudication framework. The article draws on comparative experiences from India and South Africa to showcase the extent of judicial creativity in rights adjudication. In India, the courts have been able to work around provisions restricting the enforcement of Directive Principles by often connecting them to Fundamental Freedoms. In South Africa, there is no hierarchy between civil and political rights on the one hand and socio-economic rights on the other; for that reason, the courts give equal ventilation to both sets of rights. The article further analyses these examples in the light of ongoing constitutional reforms in Ghana. It argues that these reforms fall short of the activism required to propel socio-economic rights adjudication to the forefront in Ghana's jurisprudence. In this regard, the article proposes social movements as a viable tool for socio-economic rights advocacy by recounting its success in previous controversial issues in Ghana. The article also connects this to other important building blocks like building socio-economic rights into a national development blueprint. Overall, the article calls for an imaginative socio-economic rights enforcement approach that is predicated on legislation, judicial activism, social movements and a national development blueprint aimed at delivering a qualitative life for the Ghanaian.


Author(s):  
Christoph Bezemek

This chapter assesses public insult, looking at the closely related question of ‘fighting words’ and the Supreme Court of the United States’ decision in Chaplinsky v New Hampshire. While Chaplinsky’s ‘fighting words’ exception has withered in the United States, it had found a home in Europe where insult laws are widely accepted both by the European Court of Human Rights and in domestic jurisdictions. However, the approach of the European Court is structurally different, turning not on a narrowly defined categorical exception but upon case-by-case proportionality analysis of a kind that the US Supreme Court would eschew. Considering the question of insult to public officials, the chapter focuses again on structural differences in doctrine. Expanding the focus to include the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACtHPR), it shows that each proceeds on a rather different conception of ‘public figure’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 118-137
Author(s):  
Tatiana Vasilieva ◽  

This article explores the evolution of the Supreme Court of Canada’s approach to the application of the concept of human dignity in constitutional equality cases. Traditionally, in human rights cases, this concept serves only to strengthen the argument, to show that the violation affects the person’s intrinsic worth. It is only in Canada and in South Africa that there is experience in applying the concept as a criterion for identifying discrimination. In 1999, in Law v. Canada, the Supreme Court recognized the purpose of Article 15(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 to be the protection of human dignity and stated that discrimination must be established based on assessment of the impact of a program or law on human dignity. However, in 2008, in R. v. Kapp, the Court noted that the application of the concept of human dignity creates difficulties and places an additional burden of prove on the plaintiff. It is no coincidence that victims of discrimination have preferred to seek protection before human rights tribunals and commissions, where the dignity-based test is not used. Subsequently, the Supreme Court of Canada rejected the use of the concept of human dignity as a criterion for identifying discrimination. The unsuccessful experience of applying the concept of human dignity as legal test has demonstrated that not every theoretically correct legal construction is effective in adjudication.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Vera Rusinova ◽  
Olga Ganina

The article analyses the Judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada on the Nevsun v. Araya case, which deals with the severe violations of human rights, including slavery and forced labor with respect of the workers of Eritrean mines owned by a Canadian company “Nevsun”. By a 5 to 4 majority, the court concluded that litigants can seek compensation for the violations of international customs committed by a company. This decision is underpinned by the tenets that international customs form a part of Canadian common law, companies can bear responsibility for violations of International Human Rights Law, and under ubi jus ibi remedium principle plaintiffs have a right to receive compensation under national law. Being a commentary to this judgment the article focuses its analysis on an issue that is of a key character for Public International Law, namely on the tenet that international customs impose obligations to respect human rights on companies and they can be called for responsibility for these violations. This conclusion is revolutionary in the part in which it shifts the perception of the companies’ legal status under International Law. The court’s approach is critically assessed against its well-groundness and correspondence to the current stage of International law. In particular, the authors discuss, whether the legal stance on the Supreme Court of Canada, under which companies can bear responsibility for violations of International Human Rights Law is a justified necessity or a head start.


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