scholarly journals Chinese-Russian mechanism of the high-level judicial cooperation

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 760-770
Author(s):  
Jiang Siyuan ◽  
◽  
Gan Zhongyang ◽  

In the past 70 years, Chinese-Russian relations have reached an unprecedentedly high level. The People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation, in the spirit of neighborliness, friendship, and cooperation, are developing comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation in this new era to raise bilateral relations to a new and higher level. The high-level interaction mechanisms established between Russia and China have played a crucial role in achieving new ambitious goals and long-term benchmarks for cooperation. Judicial cooperation has broad development prospects as an important guarantee for interaction in areas that are truly important for both countries. The strengthening of judicial cooperation between Russia and China, on the one hand, promotes the conjunction and adaptation of various institutional arrangements involving mutual trade, investment, and economic cooperation, such as trade and investment rules, technical standards, and legal bases between countries. Cooperation also provides a basis for the development of relevant uniform rules. On the other hand, it also helps to improve the level of foreign-related legal services, including lawyers, notaries and mediation, to ensure the free flow of various elements between different economies, to help small and medium-sized enterprises operate in full compliance with the law and resolve disputes. In order to serve the needs of participants in international trade between Russia and China, promote the policy of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the construction of the “Silk Road Economic Belt”, it is possible to improve the level of special foreign-related legal services, create legal service platforms, build an experienced international legal services team, and establish one more mechanism of judicial cooperation under the unique, effective mechanism of regular meetings between the heads of the Russian and Chinese governments.

Author(s):  
Jorge Tavares da Silva ◽  
Zélia Breda

There is a non-violent conflict over Taiwan's sovereignty, between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC). For PRC, this division cannot persist forever and does not exclude a possible military solution. While political divisions remain, the population on both sides of the strait interact, existing sociocultural and economic dynamics. These are usually interpreted as people-to-people dynamics, in which individuals act as peace agents or citizen diplomats. Tourism is a good example of this phenomenon, considering the increasing visitor flows between both sides. This dynamism sometimes pressures the political power to transform the conflict, but also acts as a throwing weapon in times of hostility. After 2016, the political landscape in Taiwan changed, and tourism became one of the sectors involved in political tensions. This chapter explores several dimensions of tourism in this conflict, particularly its role in peace and reconciliation between Mainland China and Taiwan, but also its vulnerabilities regarding high-level bilateral relations.


Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou

This chapter illustrates the complex issue of citizenship facing the ethnic Chinese as well as the raging competition between pro-Beijing and pro-Taipei factions in the diasporic community. By signing the 1955 Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing hoped to encourage the assimilation of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and clear the way for the future development of bilateral relations. The treaty marked two fundamental changes. First, Beijing announced that Chinese nationality could no longer be inherited indefinitely and unconditionally through the law of blood. Second, Jakarta no longer automatically recognized all local-born Chinese as Indonesian citizens. Instead, individuals had to take active legal action to acquire Indonesian citizenship if they desired to do so. Yet, due to misinformation, the shortage of legal services, and the inefficiency of Indonesian bureaucracy, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Chinese lost their Indonesian citizenship even though they planned to continue living in Indonesia. Moreover, despite Beijing calling upon the ethnic Chinese to “correct the deep-rooted feelings of racial superiority” and not to regard opting for Indonesian citizenship as “losing face,” many still purposefully repudiated Indonesian citizenship. The chapter then looks at how the pro-People's Republic of China bloc launched aggressive attacks against their pro-Republic of China rivals for control over Chinese-language media, civic associations, and Chinese-medium schools.


Author(s):  
Alexander V. Zabolotskiy

Nowadays, Russia and China are the most important partners for each other. Cooperation is developing in all areas of bilateral cooperation: from politics and economics to culture and security. Today, a large number of articles are also devoted to Russian-Chinese scientific and technological cooperation, which plays an increasing role in bilateral relations. Meanwhile, there is a shortage of studies that would aim to analyze publications in the Chinese media. This kind of analysis is necessary to better understand the perception of the image of Russian achievements in science and technology in the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, it will prevent potential disputes in sensitive areas. In addition, given the analysis in the Chinese media, it is possible to identify the concrete areas of interest for both sides. Successful cooperation between Russia and China in science and technology is based, on the one hand, on stable interstate relations which have the character of a strategic partnership, and, on the other hand, on mutually beneficial and long-term projects in business, joint scientific research and educational exchanges. At the same time, there are certain disproportions in Russian-Chinese scientific and technological cooperation. Russia is an important source of technical talents and know-how for Chinese partners, but the protection of intellectual property rights, which, unfortunately, is not always respected in China, is hardly discussed at the state level. In addition, there is not enough official support for cooperation in the field of information technology. Even if there are no problems that need to be solved at the highest level in this industry, it seems important to include it among the priority areas for cooperation for further development.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-277
Author(s):  
Dušan Jovanovič ◽  
Borut Bratina

In the last decades, the legal industry has experienced a global paradigm shift in the delivery model for legal services. This new model, known as legal process outsourcing (LPO), transfers the work of attorneys, paralegals and other legal professionals to external vendors located domestically and overseas. Legal outsourcing (both onshore and offshore) is transforming law practice as law firms and corporate legal departments seek to minimize costs, increase flexibility and expand their in-house capabilities. In this new decade, we have to prepare, with the legal services outsourcing, that we will become more sophisticated, with higher value of legal work, at higher level of quality and speed, and dramatically lower cost. In the Article authors deal with the process of the transformation of legal service into a legal good and point on some dilemmas during that process. This paper argues that outsourcing ultimately will have a positive effect on the legal profession and development of the quality of legal services. In the second part of the paper authors also stress out some information about different possibilities, how to organize virtual law firms for low budget legal services in the Slovenian case and also include some information about the possibility how to organize corporate governance in companies through the corporate secretary as outsourcing, because the corporate secretary is the chief governance officer and provides leadership for the corporation to implement a high level of corporate governance.


2000 ◽  
Vol 41 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 253-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Buffière ◽  
R. Moletta

An anaerobic inverse turbulent bed, in which the biogas only ensures fluidisation of floating carrier particles, was investigated for carbon removal kinetics and for biofilm growth and detachment. The range of operation of the reactor was kept within 5 and 30 kgCOD· m−3· d−1, with Hydraulic Retention Times between 0.28 and 1 day. The carbon removal efficiency remained between 70 and 85%. Biofilm size were rather low (between 5 and 30 μm) while biofilm density reached very high values (over 80 kgVS· m−3). The biofilm size and density varied with increasing carbon removal rates with opposite trends; as biofilm size increases, its density decreases. On the one hand, biomass activity within the reactor was kept at a high level, (between 0.23 and 0.75 kgTOC· kgVS· d−1, i.e. between 0.6 and 1.85 kgCOD·kgVS · d−1).This result indicates that high turbulence and shear may favour growth of thin, dense and active biofilms. It is thus an interesting tool for biomass control. On the other hand, volatile solid detachment increases quasi linearly with carbon removal rate and the total amount of solid in the reactor levels off at high OLR. This means that detachment could be a limit of the process at higher organic loading rates.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


Author(s):  
Jerg Gutmann ◽  
Stefan Voigt

Abstract Many years ago, Emmanuel Todd came up with a classification of family types and argued that the historically prevalent family types in a society have important consequences for its economic, political, and social development. Here, we evaluate Todd's most important predictions empirically. Relying on a parsimonious model with exogenous covariates, we find mixed results. On the one hand, authoritarian family types are, in stark contrast to Todd's predictions, associated with increased levels of the rule of law and innovation. On the other hand, and in line with Todd's expectations, communitarian family types are linked to racism, low levels of the rule of law, and late industrialization. Countries in which endogamy is frequently practiced also display an expectedly high level of state fragility and weak civil society organizations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manoj K. Kesharwani ◽  
Amir Karton ◽  
Nitai Sylvetsky ◽  
Jan M. L. Martin

The S66 benchmark for non-covalent interactions has been re-evaluated using explicitly correlated methods with basis sets near the one-particle basis set limit. It is found that post-MP2 ‘high-level corrections’ are treated adequately well using a combination of CCSD(F12*) with (aug-)cc-pVTZ-F12 basis sets on the one hand, and (T) extrapolated from conventional CCSD(T)/heavy-aug-cc-pV{D,T}Z on the other hand. Implications for earlier benchmarks on the larger S66×8 problem set in particular, and for accurate calculations on non-covalent interactions in general, are discussed. At a slight cost in accuracy, (T) can be considerably accelerated by using sano-V{D,T}Z+ basis sets, whereas half-counterpoise CCSD(F12*)(T)/cc-pVDZ-F12 offers the best compromise between accuracy and computational cost.


1982 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu-ming Shaw

Reverend John Leighton Stuart (1876–1962) served as U.S. ambassador to China from July 1946 until August 1949. In the many discussions of his ambassadorship the one diplomatic mission that has aroused the most speculation and debate was his abortive trip to Beijing, contemplated in June–July 1949, to meet with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Some students of Sino-American relations have claimed that had this trip been made the misunderstanding and subsequent hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China in the post-1949 period could have been avoided; therefore, the unmaking of this trip constituted another “lost chance in China” in establishing a working relationship between the two countries. But others have thought that given the realities of the Cold War in 1949 and the internal political constraints existing in each country, no substantial result could have been gained from such a trip. Therefore, the thesis of a “lost chance in China” was more an unfounded speculation than a credible affirmation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document