scholarly journals THE PARODY OF THE COMMONS

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-51
Author(s):  
Vasilis Kostakis ◽  
Stelios Stavroulakis

This essay builds on the idea that Commons-based peer production is a social advancement within capitalism but with various post-capitalistic aspects, in need of protection, enforcement, stimulation and connection with progressive social movements. We use theory and examples to claim that peer-to-peer economic relations can be undermined in the long run, distorted by the extraeconomic means of a political context designed to maintain profit-driven relations of production into power. This subversion can arguably become a state policy, and the subsequent outcome is the full absorption of the Commons as well as of the underpinning peer-to-peer relations into the dominant mode of production. To tackle this threat, we argue in favour of a certain working agenda for Commons based communities. Such an agenda should aim the enforcement of the circulation of the Commons. Therefore, any useful social transformation will be meaningful if the people themselves decide and apply policies for their own benefit, optimally with the support of a sovereign partner state. If peer production is to become dominant, it has to control capital accumulation with the aim to marginalise and eventually transcend capitalism.

Author(s):  
Vasilis Kostakis ◽  
Stelios Stavroulakis

This essay builds on the idea that Commons-based peer production is a social advancement within capitalism but with various post-capitalistic aspects, in need of protection, enforcement, stimulation and connection with progressive social movements. We use theory and examples to claim that peer-to-peer economic relations can be undermined in the long run, distorted by the extra-economic means of a political context designed to maintain profit-driven relations of production into power. This subversion can arguably become a state policy, and the subsequent outcome is the full absorption of the Commons as well as of the underpinning peer-to-peer relations into the dominant mode of production. To tackle this threat, we argue in favour of a certain working agenda for Commons-based communities. Such an agenda should aim the enforcement of the circulation of the Commons. Therefore, any useful social transformation will be meaningful if the people themselves decide and apply policies for their own benefit, optimally with the support of a sovereign partner state. If peer production is to become dominant, it has to control capital accumulation with the aim to marginalise and eventually transcend capitalism.


Author(s):  
Vasilis Kostakis ◽  
Stelios Stavroulakis

This essay builds on the idea that Commons-based peer production is a social advancement within capitalism but with various post-capitalistic aspects, in need of protection, enforcement, stimulation and connection with progressive social movements. We use theory and examples to claim that peer-to-peer economic relations can be undermined in the long run, distorted by the extra-economic means of a political context designed to maintain profit-driven relations of production into power. This subversion can arguably become a state policy, and the subsequent outcome is the full absorption of the Commons as well as of the underpinning peer-to-peer relations into the dominant mode of production. To tackle this threat, we argue in favour of a certain working agenda for Commons-based communities. Such an agenda should aim the enforcement of the circulation of the Commons. Therefore, any useful social transformation will be meaningful if the people themselves decide and apply policies for their own benefit, optimally with the support of a sovereign partner state. If peer production is to become dominant, it has to control capital accumulation with the aim to marginalise and eventually transcend capitalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Pazaitis ◽  
Vasilis Kostakis ◽  
Michel Bauwens

This article explores how autonomous workers/contributors, involved in peer-to-peer relations, can organise their productive efforts so that they have sustainable livelihoods. The discussion is guided by the concept of ‘open cooperativism’, which argues for a synergy between the commons-based peer production movement and elements of the cooperative and solidarity economy movements. To this end, we review the case of Enspiral, a network of professionals and companies that empowers and supports social entrepreneurship. We explore its values, operation and governance as well as the chosen strategies for autonomy and sustainability. Finally, some lessons are summarised for the cooperative and union movement, which point to open cooperativism as an integrated vision.


Author(s):  
Vangelis Papadimitropoulos

Within ‘The Reformist Commons’, the author establishes the views of a wide range of reformist theorists. This reformist approach to the commons combines liberal, social democratic, socialist and revolutionary elements in multiple variants. In the context of Benkler’s three basic future scenarios for the com­mons the author goes onto critically engage with the work of a number of thinkers who have further argued for the autonomisation of commons-based peer production in such models as the green governance (David Bollier and Silke Helfrich) and collaborative commons (Jeremy Rifkin) and platform cooperativism (Trebor Scholz) . Also discussed are Bauwens and Kostakis’s model of open cooperativism incorporating the ecological model of Design Global Manufacture, cosmolocalism and a partner state abetting commons-based peer production, Adam Arvidsson and Nicolai Peiterson’s ‘productive publics’ and digital distributism (Douglas Rushkoff). The author concludes with Erik Olin Wright’s arguments for how institutional space might be freed up for strategic action towards a commons-orientated transition. Wright’s perspective, the author argues offers the most holistic political alternative by integrating the self-instituting power of the people into a strategic pluralism based on multiple pathways of social empowerment, embodied in a variety of structural transformations. This may function as an institutional multi-format for the various reformist approaches advocated by the other thinkers.


Author(s):  
Graciela INDA

These four theoretical bets on the “multitude” (Hardt and Negri), on the political subject as fidelity to an event (Badiou), on the “people” as a hegemonic interaction of heterogeneous demands (Laclau and Mouffe), on the political subject as an emergent subject of an egalitarian irruption (Rancière), illustrate the seek for new political subjectivities after abandoning the Marxist thesis that gives a decisive role to the working-class in the process of social transformation. Apart from this binding nucleus, they present divergences that place the question about the subject of emancipation in a field of confrontations, and bifurcation points. This work aims at delimiting the lines of combat, voices of consent and dissent found in these new critical theories regarding the connection between political subjectivity, and economic relations, the issue of the strategy, the nationalism/internationalism dilemma and the disjunction between statism and anti-statism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-336
Author(s):  
Gilberto Tadeu Lima ◽  
Laura Carvalho ◽  
Gustavo Pereira Serra

This paper incorporates human capital accumulation through provision of universal public education by a balanced-budget government to a demand-driven analytical framework of functional distribution and growth of income. Human capital accumulation positively impacts on workers’ productivity in production and their bargaining power in wage negotiations. In the long-run equilibrium, a rise in the tax rate (which also denotes the share of output spent in human capital formation) lowers the pre- and after-tax wage share and physical capital utilization, and thus raises (lowers) the output growth rate when the latter is profit-led (wage-led). The impact of a higher tax rate on the employment rate (which also measures human capital utilization) in the long-run equilibrium is negative (ambiguous) when output growth is wage-led (profit-led). In any case, the supply of higher-skilled workers does not automatically create its own demand.


2020 ◽  
pp. 097215092096136
Author(s):  
Muhammad Shahbaz ◽  
Mohammad Ali Aboutorabi ◽  
Farzaneh Ahmadian Yazdi

This article explores the impact of financial development on the ‘natural resources rents–foreign capital accumulation nexus’ in selected natural resource–rich countries during 1970Q1–2016Q4. In doing so, we propose a new approach by applying the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) rolling regression technique for our empirical purpose. The results show that financial development has a positive and significant effect on the way natural resource rents affect foreign capital in the case of Australia, Chile, Ecuador, Egypt and Peru in both the short run and the long run. We achieve the same results in the case of Colombia and Iran too, but just in the long run. Also, short-term and long-term negative effects of financial development on the rents–foreign capital nexus are witnessed just in the case of Algeria. We provide some empirical evidence for further robustness of our findings. Finally, we suggest that there is a necessity for the development of the financial system in natural resource–rich countries to reach higher levels of foreign capital, which has a crucial role in their economic growth.


Spiritualita ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sukron Romadhon

Spirituality and a new religious awakening, are seen by religious elites as a stage of religious directness in carrying out religious traditions and rituals. New civilizations can instead be a threat to conventional religious traditions and rituals. Without the willingness of religious elites to criticize and re-interpret conventional ritual traditions and patterns, the functions of the world's major religions could fade. The world's major religions are increasingly alienated from the objective world and awareness of the lives of the people and their people. It seems that there will be a new form of religion or a new religion that is completely different from the tradition of religious rituals that have been carried out by the major religions of the world. While the religious elite is still attached to classical religious interpretations. But on the other hand, the emergence of modern society, encouraging the argument of secularization is part of modernization. The values underlying socio-political and economic relations also appear to be beginning to enter an irregular stage, when viewed conventionally, the spiritulitas of global civilization, rather than lies in the format of values, traditional systems and structures or modern rationality. New civilizations in social systems and Science and Technology (SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY) began to be directed at a more intuitive spirituality stage. Then came the act of social piety that proved impartiality over the duafa wal mustad'afin, workers and the poor who were oppressed by the economic system. The emergence of the term left theology only wants to explain about righteousness and belief based on the ability to perform acts of liberation of the proletariat. This action is not only done after the reality of the proletariat appears, but creates a social and economic system that has impartiality towards the proletariat.Keywords: Spirituality, Secularization, Social Piety


Author(s):  
Michel Bauwens ◽  
Vasilis Kostakis

Two prominent social progressive movements are faced with a few contradictions and a paradox. On the one side, we have a re-emergence of the co-operative movement and worker-owned enterprises which suffer from certain structural weaknesses. On the other, we have an emergent field of open and Commons-oriented peer production initiatives which create common pools of knowledge for the whole of humanity, but are dominated by start-ups and large multinational enterprises using the same Commons. Thus we have a paradox: the more communist the sharing license used in the peer production of free software or open hardware, the more capitalist the practice. To tackle this paradox and the aforementioned contradictions, we tentatively suggest a new convergence that would combine both Commons-oriented open peer production models with common ownership and governance models, such as those of the co-operatives and the solidarity economic models.


2021 ◽  
pp. 348-363
Author(s):  
S. Denysov ◽  
Yu. Filei

The article examines the issue of combating criminal offenses in the field of economics. It is emphasized that economic crime is caused by destructive tendencies in the development of market relations in the economy and social sphere. Lack of real protection of legitimate economic relations, lag of law-making activity from the needs of economic practice, unsystematic adoption of legal acts concerning certain elements of the economic system. Recently, there has been a process of merging economic and criminal offenses, as well as merging with organized crime. Penetrating into various spheres of the economy, criminal associations seek not only to establish control over the activities of specific enterprises but also to create their own structures capable of occupying a leading position in the infrastructure of individual industries. The intellectual level of criminal activity increases, the scope, and methods of encroachment expand. The reasons for committing mercenary crimes in the economic sphere are both objective and subjective. Thus, in the determination of crime involved both biological and social characteristics of man. An economic criminal does not perceive himself as a criminal, although he admits that he is breaking the law. The problem here is that the media is very one-sided coverage of the image of the traditional criminal, as well as the fact that economically criminal behavior is difficult at first glance to distinguish from socially obedient. Economic criminals justify their crimes by committing them with the tacit consent or approval of public opinion. They deny causing harm to citizens, and also claim that almost all businessmen do the same. If the profit significantly exceeds the possible punishment, then such a crime becomes profitable. Criminal behavior should not be economically or socially profitable. At the same time, it is important to improve the economic and social living conditions of the people.


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