Les élections législatives du 17 avril 1977 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-513
Author(s):  
William Fraeys

The Parliamentary Elections of 17 April 1977 revealed a great stability of the body of electors and largely confirmed the result of the communal elections of 1976. On the 393 seats in Parliament (House of Representatives and Senate), only 38 went to another political family.Nevertheless, this stability does not exclude movements; in this context should be noted the severe set-back of the «Rassemblement Wallon» which looses nearly half of its voters. lts defeat principally benefits the Liberals and the Christian Democrats and, to a lesser extent, the Socialists.  In the Flemish region, the Socialists strengthen their position, whereas the Christian Democrats gain ground. Unexpected is the Liberals's setback.  The «Volksunie» slightly recedes.In Brussels, PDF is undeniably successful and even exceeds its 1971 result. Communists are losing ground all over the country.In these elections which have been characterized by rather limited vote variations, the «communal tickets» (i.e. those based upon a single cultural group) recede, on the whole, to the benefit of the traditional parties which received a serious blow in 1971, but showed signs of a recovery as soon as 1974.

Significance This is expected to be followed by the first parliamentary election since 2014, at some point in early 2022. It now looks increasingly likely that both elections will be delayed. The electoral process lacks the elements it would need to be truly transformative, but it is prompting shifts in the political elite which will dictate developments for at least the next year. Impacts Khalifa Haftar will keep pushing for his armed group to form the core of Libya’s future army Seif al-Islam Qadhafi’s candidacy in the elections is unlikely to result in him becoming president. Aguileh Saleh looks set to stay on as House of Representatives speaker with no clear date for parliamentary elections.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuril Khoiriyah

The issue of gender equality in Indonesia has been widely discussed, especially by the younger generations who are starting to become aware of the disadvantages of male domination. However, these discussions in the government sphere are only a ploy to gain a reputation for favouring women’s rights. Thus despite the 30% quota for the parliamentary elections, the number of women in the legislative assembly never reached the target. The construction theory in the field of International Relations considers the discourse on gender equality to be closely related to the formation of social facts that occur in the community. The anachronistic idea that women’s roles should solely comprise cooking fulfilling their husband sexual desires is unfortunately still entrenched in Indonesian culture. Using qualitative-deductive research methods, this study demonstrates that the Patriarchal system as a cultural heritage from ancient times is still adopted today. This is proven by the small number of women sitting in the power of the legislative body. Keywords: Gender, Legislature, Politic, women’s rights


Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 427-443
Author(s):  
William Fraeys

For the first time, the municipal election of 10 October 1976 was held in new units resulting from the merger of numerous boroughs («communes»). This is the reason why the political character of the poll became more outspoken.The results of the present election should be compared not only with the preceding municipal poll in 1970, but also with the result of the two parliamentary elections (1971 and 1974) which took place since then.This analyses leads us to the conclusion that in the Walloon region, «Rassemblement Wallon» suffered an important setback in comparison with 1974 for the benefit of Christian Democrats and to a lesser extentof the Socialist Party.In the Flemish region, a great stability may be noted with respect to the opinion expressed in 1974. At the utmost, a very slight Socialist loss may be observed as wel! as a Liberal quasi status quo and a moderate rise for the Christian Democrats.Although FDF's progress with respect to 1974 cannot be denied, its extent is not sufficient to bring this party back to its 1971 record level.  To conclude one might say that should the voters have voted in a similar way to elect a Parliament, the Chambers would not be much different from what they are now, but for a loss of seats for «Rassemblement Wallon» which would benefit to the Christian Democrats in the first place and to a lesser extent to the Socialists and PDF as well.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-168
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits ◽  
Inge Thomas

In Belgium the multiple preferential voting system was for the first time applied to parliamentary elections in 1995. Since then the electorate has the possibility to cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list.As a result of this voting system change, more voters used the possibilities offered by the preferential voting system than during the 1991 elections: almost 57% of the electorate of 1995 cast a multiple vote on candidates for the House of Representatives - this was an increase of 8,6% compared to the 1991 results. For the Senate, the trend is even clearer: 59% of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates of the Senate, resulting in an increase of 18,3% compared to 1991. Though one has to add that the above mentioned increases are only partly due to the election system change. Part of the increase is actually also due to a more accurate handling by the Ministery of Internal Affairs of the multiple preferential voting data figuring on the ballot-papers.Compared to previous elections the use of preferential voting was for the first time higher for the Senate than for the House of Representatives. Furthermore, the analysis showed that the use of the multiple preferential vote is varying from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons and from one political party to another.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suroto Suroto

<p>Comparison of structure and authority of DPR RI with DPD RI related to legislation function can be seen from two side, that is philosophical and juridical side. DPR RI with DPD RI from the philosophical side is the incarnation of the representation of the whole people or the representation of the whole area of Indonesia at the central level, from the juridical side of the House of Representatives with DPD RI is a state institution regulated in Article 20 and Article 22D NRI 1945 Constitution. DPR RI with DPD RI related to the function of legislation is the pattern of work relationships that are functional. The constraints faced by the House of Representatives and the DPD RI related to the function of legislation is the Constraints that are institutional and constitutional. Institutional constraints are the obstacles that arise from within the body of the institution between the administrative system of the session, the results of legislation, budget, and supporting system that is less than the maximum, while the constraints are constitutional in terms of regulation of these constraints are often faced by DPD RI, the current arrangement is in Article 22D Paragraph (1) and (2), and the regulation in Law no. 2 Year 2018 About MD3 there is the addition of DPD RI can evaluate the draft law and local regulations (Article 249 J).</p>


Author(s):  
German L. Krylov

The article explores the dynamics of the state of the Iraqi Sunni political establishment that changed marginalized provincial factions to an influential parliamentary force in 2014-2019. In the beginning of the period when ISIS occupied vast territories to the north and west of Baghdad, Sunni politicians had to abandon their ambitions to influence the federal center policies and focus their efforts on rivalries inside the councils of Anbar, Salaheddin and Nainawa provinces. The drastic marginalization of the Sunni factor on the federal level made Sunni politicians more willing to seek compromise with the Shia-dominated federal center,. This generally resulted in the obvious decrease of sectarian tension. During the 2018 parliamentary elections that led to the formation of the government of Adel Abdulmahdi, Sunni politicians tactically joined coalitions led by Shia, seeing this the only way to be elected. They continued the tactics of inter-faction maneuvering in the new parliament that led some of them even to the blocs headed by Shia islamists known by their close ties with Iran. In 2019 the president of the Iraqi House of Representatives Mohammad al-Halboussi succeeded in uniting a good number of Sunni politicians who had had to join Shia-led coalitions during the elections, thus creating an influential Sunni bloc and positioning himself as a nation-scale leader. His latest and most prominent accomplishment is the second place his “Taqaddum” (“Progress”) bloc won during the parliamentary elections of 2021, outmaneuvered only by the populist “Sadrist Fraction” (“Al-Kutla as-sadriya”).


1964 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clyde Sanger ◽  
John Nottingham

KENYA became the 34th independent state in Africa on 12 December 1963, after perhaps the longest drawn-out campaign between nationalism and immigrant interests yet seen in British colonial history in Africa. If this bitter struggle has left deep and permanent scars on the body politic, in the form of racial hatred, entrenched tribalism, and a climate of violence, it bodes ill for Kenya's future. In the belief that an observer may most satisfactorily take a country's temperature, and gauge the condition of such scars, at election time, we have written the following brief study of the elections for the Senate (41 seats), the House of Representatives (129 seats), and six of the seven Regional Assemblies,1 held in Kenya between 18 and 26 May 1963. We hope that our varied experience in Kenya may help give readers a taste of the real flavour of the country at this important juncture, in a way that undiluted tables of statistics could not possibly do.


1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
PW Durbin ◽  
B. Kullgren ◽  
N. Jeung ◽  
J. Xu ◽  
SJ Rodgers ◽  
...  

Nine new octadentate ligands based on cyclic, spermine (3,4,3-LI), desferrioxamine (DFO), or H-shaped tetrakis amine (penten) molecular backbones were prepared containing catecholamide (CAM), carboxycatecholamide (CAM(C)), or terephthalamide (TAM) chelating units. Mice were injected intravenously with 238Pu(IV) citrate, treated with 30 μmol kg-1 of a ligand by intraperitoneal injection at 1 h or by gastric intubation at 3 min, and Pu retention in tissues and Pu transfer to excreta were measured at 24 h. Given by injection, three soluble ligands composed of MeTAM (3,4,3-LIMeTAM, DFO-MeTAM, H(2,2)-MeTAM) reduced Pu retention in the body to 27- 28% of control compared with 32 and 37% of control obtained in mice similarly treated with 3,4,3-LICAM(C) or CaNa3-DTPA, respectively. The MeTAM ligands reduced Pu retention in the skeleton as much as an equimolar amount of CaNa 3-DTPA, while Pu retention in the liver (on average, 16% of control) was significantly less than was obtained with CaNa3-DTPA (35% of control). Given orally, H(2,2)-MeTAM reduced Pu retention in the whole body to 58% of control compared with reductions to 62 and 94% of control achieved with 3,4,3-LICAM(C) or CaNa3-DTPA, respectively. Penten is both partially preorganized for metal binding and spatially suitable for encapsulation of actinide(IV), and ligands with the penten backbone are easier and less costly to prepare than those based on spermine or DFO. The biological results confirmed that penten is a suitable as well as practical structural backbone for new octadentate ligands. In agreement with the great stability of the ferric complex with MeTAM, as determined in vitro, the small, simple, soluble penten- based octadentate ligand, H(2,2)-MeTAM, was shown to be, overall, the most effective catecholamide ligand for enhancing Pu excretion. Either combined in H(2,2)- MeTAM or separately, the penten backbone and the MeTAM chelating unit are potentially useful additions to the set of backbones and binding units of multidentate ligands identified as effective for in vivo chelation of the actinides.


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