scholarly journals Political Dynasty and Single Candidate in Indonesian Local Elections: Where Are The Parties?

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Zaldi Rusnaedy ◽  
Fatma Fatma ◽  
Almuhajir Haris

The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512092477
Author(s):  
Caleb T. Carr

Local elections are no longer just influenced by, marketed toward, or relevant to only a small, geographically constrained electorate. Social media increasingly connect politics to publics that may extend beyond politicians’ or issues’ local constituencies. Every election—from Senator to alderperson—has been rendered accessible and relevant to broad individuals, organizations, and interests. Now, campaigns—particularly in close races or battleground areas—can canvas beyond the local level to seek donations, campaign volunteers, or to encourage local residents to vote. Social media have become venues to demonstrate a candidate’s likability with users, which are parlayed into local goodwill and electability. And foreign nationals and governments increasingly are using social media to spread disinformation or to otherwise sway local issues. Ultimately, what was once a city, county, state, provincial, or national election can now play out on a global stage through social media, with all of the subsequent influence and impacts. This article uses several geographically dispersed and representative examples to exemplify the delocalization of the local election, including Beto O’Rourke’s 2018 Senate Campaign (the US), the effect of nationwide social media popularity and interactivity on local election results (Taiwan and The Netherlands), and Russian influence in the 2016 Brexit Referendum (the UK). It concludes by calling for new understanding of what political involvement and political action may mean in a socially mediated society.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helga A. Welsh

The Freie Wähler (free voters, FW) offer the rare chance to analyze parties in the making. Their long-time anchoring in local elections, centrist, middle-class political orientation, and bifurcated organizational structure distinguish them from other new political parties that aspire to participate in Land (state), national and European elections. Against the backdrop of FW success in Bavaria, where they received 10.2 percent of the vote in 2008, this article explores the FW expansion to the state level but not their national aspirations. In contrast to most studies that emphasize opportunity structures that work in favor of new political actors, this article highlights their dialectical nature. For example, the FW self-image is based on their difference from political parties, but the rules of the game push them to the status of "almost-party" at the local level and parties at the Land level. Their local roots are a source of legitimacy, but when they reach beyond, divisions among members and voters hold back their electoral fortunes. Independence and issue orientation are appealing to some voters but hamper the establishment of a clear identity and effective campaigning in state elections. Success for FW candidates is linked to the weakness of the dominant parties in the conservative camp. Spatial-temporal conditions are significant in considering the future of the FW at the Land level.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1052-1063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver P. Williams ◽  
Charles R. Adrian

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan voting patterns in four cities using nonpartisan municipal elections. It is part of a larger comparative study on the process of policy formation in middle-sized cities. The data have been used to test the nonpartisan rationale which states that the removal of party labels from the ballot insulates local elections from state and national political party influences.The “insulation” argument states that national political parties do not and cannot adequately serve the needs of the local political unit. Their intrusion into the local scene invariably represents the introduction of irrelevancies which confuse the voters and prevent them from dwelling on local issues in city elections. Thus, the nonpartisan idea is partially based on the belief that local democracy will be improved through rationalizing its political universe. Citizens will choose well if specific, pertinent, and familiar questions are posed to them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (77) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanus Sampe

ABSTRACT Introduction: Despite decentralization devolving increasing decision-making powers to subnational governments across Asia, the subject of local-level elections has not received anywhere near the academic attention afforded to national elections. This article aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on the dynamics of local election by examining the political parties’ activities in the 2010 local executive election in Indonesia through the detailed case study of Manado City. Materials and Methods: This article used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies for a case study of the Manado local government election in 2010. These methods include direct observation which had been done during the election in 2010, review of relevant media articles and books, collection of statistics from relevant government organizations and interviews. The latter comprised the most important and novel aspect of the research. The interviews were of two types: First, there was a quantitative survey of 100 selected voter respondents using questionnaire with 22 closed-ended questions. Second, there were semi-structured interviews with the local leaders of political parties, the heads of campaign teams, the candidates, the members of the local electoral organization, the representatives of NGOs, mass media personnel and the survey organisations who monitored the election. The quantitative data was explored with the aid of a computer application program (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analysed through a thematic approach. Although the qualitative data collection and analysis was dominant, the quantitative methodology was still important in this article. Results: This article found a paradoxical situation in that political parties did not and did matter. They did not matter case was supported by evidence showing that voters chose candidates based on their personalities, behaviours and programs rather than on party loyalty. On the contrary, they did matter case derived from the superior organisational abilities of parties in running successful election campaigns and in aligning themselves with the candidates most likely to win. Discussion: This article had made a valuable addition to explaining the activities of political parties at local level in the context of decentralization. The implication of this research is that although voters did not choose political parties, the latter were nonetheless highly significant in determining the outcome of the local government election in Manado City. So, it is useful for future research to consider more closely the role of parties in local elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
Markus Klein ◽  
Frederik Springer ◽  
Philipp Becker ◽  
Yvonne Lüdecke

In Germany, there are an estimated 200,000 seats to be filled at the local level in city and municipal councils, city council assemblies, and district councils . It is of fundamental importance for the functioning of local democracy that a sufficient number of candidates can be found for these mandates . Against this background, the recruitment potential of political parties and municipal voters’ associations with regard to candidates for mandates at the local level is examined comparatively . The data basis is a representative population survey conducted as part of the 2017 German Party Membership Study . It is shown that a good quarter of the population can in principle be won over to a candidacy at the munici­pal level . Ten percent would only run for a party, six percent only for a municipal voters’ association and a further ten percent for both political groups . These three candidate poten­tials each have a specific profile regarding their socio-structural composition and their polit­ical attitudes .


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Ali Sahab

Voter turnout in local elections (pilkada) is a participation indicator. The local election in 2015 was different from the local elections pre-2015, as the local election in 2015 was held simultaneously. Regional electoral commissions (KPUD) gave candidates campaign facilities like posters, banners, and debates with the other candidates on local television. This socialisation was expected to increase voter turnout. The purpose of this research to ascertain the level of voter turnout in the local election held in 2015 in Lamongan, and whether it is increasing or declining.KPUD has a new role not only to do with socialisation, but KPUD must also print campaign props in line with the fairness principles. The research methods used in this study were a survey and multistage random sampling for the sampling technique. The voter turnout in the 2015 local election was just 60.47% lower than the voter turnout of the 2014 legislative election(Pileg) that reached 71%. In the local election, the emotional bond between the voters and candidates is more powerful than that in a legislativeelection, but in the Lamongan local election 2015, it was not positively correlated. There are two main factors that influence the decrease of voter turnout. First, is the material orientation of the voters (sangu). If they do not get“Sangu”, they will not vote and they prefer to work in the fields. Voters thought that leaving their job for the election should get them substitution money. Second, was the indication of cartel politics, embracing all political parties in Lamongan Regency, for them to support the same candidate who was still on duty, namely Fadeli, and two other candidates. The level of voter turnout is influenced by the material orientation of the voters and cartel politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iza Rumesten

The increase of regional chiefs who had been imprisoned for corruption makes Kemendagri (The Ministry of Home Affairs) issue a discourse to restore local elections to Parliament. Nevertheless, this discourse will not support the process of democracy in Indonesia. Instead, it pulls backwards into the era of the new order and causes any corrupt practices to move to other parties, from bribing people into Parliament. Hence what issued by the ministry is not the best solution. This paper discusses about how the correlation between direct local election and corruption behavior of regional chiefs. The solution to overcome this is done by changing the system ranging from political parties to the intensive monitoring involving active community over all government policies in regional level and the application of legal supremacy along with equality before the law firmly against corruption by impoverishment.Key words: politic of law, corruption, regional election


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjan Brezovšek ◽  
Lea Smerkolj

The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iwan Satriawan ◽  
Khairil Azmin Mokhtar

Within the same group as the USA and India Indonesia is one of the largest democracies in the world. After experiencing authoritarian rule for a few decades since its independence the country finally at the beginning of the twenty first century managed to chart along its new direction along democratic course and values. More than a decade has passed since the democratic transition begun  yet the country still faces various constitutional dilemmas and enigmas. One of organs of the government which has been entrusted to transform the country into a democratic nation is the Constitutional Court. The objective of  this  paper is to provide critical analyses of the role of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia in the process of consolidating local democracy. The scope of analysis is confined to a number of important cases heard by the court on local election disputes from the year 2008  to 2013. The rationale to focus on local election      is because local government provides the second layer of government for this unitary country making the governance more democratic and more in touch with local population. The result of the study is the Constitutional Court through its decisions has created conducive political situation and has provided significant contributions in the process of consolidating local democracy. In spite of limited number of judges and short period of settlement to disputes brought before it the Court have settled all disputes regarding local elections without much delay and complaint. Nevertheless there are some areas  that  need  to  be addressed by the court to enhance its efficiency and effectiveness. A few  factors  have  been identified to be the cause of the problems namely problem of design of structure of the Court, extension of the scope of authority, period of settlement, over-dosis of authority and the breach of  code of  ethics of  the judges.Thus it  is recommended that in order to perpetuate the excellent achievements of the court the institution need to be strengthened by addressing the problems.


Author(s):  
Murdiansyah Herman ◽  
Muhammad Uhaib As’ad

This article analyses the political drama of the fall Soeharto's government in May 1998, after 32 years in   power, has made a new era of this country democratic life. The fall of the Soeharto’s government which gave  to a new era of democratization has changed of political landscape from the authoritarian system to the transition of democracy.  The democratic transition has had an impact on the almost uncontrollable political dynamics. It also provides an opportunity for central and local political actors to consolidate power and reposition themselves to capture of  power institutions  and democratic institutions through contestation of local elections. In the capitalization   democracy,   political pragmatism structured in democratic behavior has spawned the costly cost of democracy. Therefore, it has become a fact in the current reality of democracy that political actors who occupy the stage of democracy are people who have capital (money) or background as entrepreneurs. The involvement of mine bosses in the local elections in South Kalimantan as sponsors of political fund or as candidats local rulers has spawned a black market of democracy characterized by political concessions and transactions through a network of political patronage. South Kalimantan is known as a coal mining product, mining issues in the local election became political marketing to   build political  patronage networks   among local actors. In the context of open competition in local elections, the issue of political funding becomes the most crucial in the democratic transition. The political brokers will position themselves as shadow government after local election in government and become as a controler  in policy government, especially mining policy. The mine bosses have of  bergaining position in the political landscape and political patronage network to place the people who occupy the position of the local head by   power money and oligarchy of political party. The heads of political parties or political elites in South Kalimantan are majority as  mine bosses. Thus, the existence of political parties has been taken drive by capitalist . The cartelization politiacal parties became clearer in the lead up to the elections in which party institutions had become the arena of conspiracy between party regimes and local ruling candidates or local power.


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