scholarly journals The decrease of simultaneous local election voter turnout in the Lamongan District

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Ali Sahab

Voter turnout in local elections (pilkada) is a participation indicator. The local election in 2015 was different from the local elections pre-2015, as the local election in 2015 was held simultaneously. Regional electoral commissions (KPUD) gave candidates campaign facilities like posters, banners, and debates with the other candidates on local television. This socialisation was expected to increase voter turnout. The purpose of this research to ascertain the level of voter turnout in the local election held in 2015 in Lamongan, and whether it is increasing or declining.KPUD has a new role not only to do with socialisation, but KPUD must also print campaign props in line with the fairness principles. The research methods used in this study were a survey and multistage random sampling for the sampling technique. The voter turnout in the 2015 local election was just 60.47% lower than the voter turnout of the 2014 legislative election(Pileg) that reached 71%. In the local election, the emotional bond between the voters and candidates is more powerful than that in a legislativeelection, but in the Lamongan local election 2015, it was not positively correlated. There are two main factors that influence the decrease of voter turnout. First, is the material orientation of the voters (sangu). If they do not get“Sangu”, they will not vote and they prefer to work in the fields. Voters thought that leaving their job for the election should get them substitution money. Second, was the indication of cartel politics, embracing all political parties in Lamongan Regency, for them to support the same candidate who was still on duty, namely Fadeli, and two other candidates. The level of voter turnout is influenced by the material orientation of the voters and cartel politics.

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah F. Anzia

Eighty percent of American cities today hold their general elections on different days than state and national elections. It is an established fact that voter turnout in these off-cycle local elections is far lower than turnout in local elections held concurrently with state and national elections. In this paper, I demonstrate that the timing of city elections has been an important determinant of voter turnout since before the Civil War. By examining three large American cities over the course of the nineteenth century, I find that American political parties regularly manipulated the timing of city elections to secure an edge over their rivals. I show that the decisions to change the election dates of these cities were contentious, partisan, and motivated by an expectation of subsequent electoral gain. The Progressive municipal reformers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries continued in this tradition when they separated city elections from state and national elections, and the local election schedule they implemented has largely persisted until today.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Andi Ahmad Yani ◽  
Andi Yudha Yunus ◽  
Muhammad Iqbal Latief

The number of voters is an essential element in the legitimacy of a democratic regime. There are various factors that may influence voter turnout in elections; among other factors particularly is electoral management in voter’s registration. The problem of voters' data has always been a scourge in every general or local election due to poor population data management in Indonesia. Hence, the General Elections Commission (KPU) responded to this issue with a number of policies to increase the number of voter participation in all elections, especially for those who have not been registered properly. The Commission made a specific regulation to allow voters who were not registered in the voter lists (DPS) to use their ID card (KTP) or other legal documents in voting. This study used qualitative methods in five regions in the South Sulawesi Province that conducted the 2015 local election. This study explores the dynamics of voters using ID card or other legal documents by identifying their reasons and characteristics in using KTP as well as examining the responses of the local election institutions regarding this policy. This condition tends to apply to countries in the transitional period of democracy where the electoral administration system has not been properly regulated. The causes include the failure of administrative systems of management and population data collection with e-KTP card system in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Kadek Dwita Apriani

This study is to see the effect of tail suits on the political choices of Balinese people who are known to have the highest identification of political parties in Indonesia ahead of simultaneous elections (pemilu serentak) in 2019. The method used is quantitative research methods with 1,120 respondents spreading across all regenciess/cities in Bali. The sampling technique applied was multistage random sampling, so the margin of error was 3%. The results of this study indicate the tail coat effect present in the community which has a strong identification of political parties. It's just that the tail coat effect reads smaller than ID party in the political choices of the Balinese people. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 87-115
Author(s):  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Dag Arne Christensen ◽  
Tor Helge Holmås

Voter turnout in the Norwegian local election of 2019 rose from the previous election by about 5 percentage points, to 65 percent, which is higher than any other local election since 1991. Another unusual feature of the 2019 election was the implementation of a much-debated and politically contentious municipal amalgamation reform. Voters in municipalities that were to be merged on January 1st, 2020, voted in the new municipal councils in the election. Consequently, a key question in this chapter is whether or not a link exists between the rise in turnout and the municipal reform. We start, however, by looking at turnout more broadly. Who votes in local elections, and who abstains? By using sampled panel data from the Norwegian electoral roll that covers five consecutive elections, we find that habitual voters tend to be highly educated and middle-aged. The permanent abstainers constitute 9 percent of the electorate, and they often have immigrant backgrounds and no higher education. The analyses of the municipal reform reveal no overall significant effect on turnout. Small municipalities that were merged saw some rise in turnout, relative to larger merged municipalities. Indications are that the political issues that dominated the campaign had a mobilizing effect. Two large-scale government initiated get-out-the-vote efforts likely played some role in getting people to the polls.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iza Rumesten

The increase of regional chiefs who had been imprisoned for corruption makes Kemendagri (The Ministry of Home Affairs) issue a discourse to restore local elections to Parliament. Nevertheless, this discourse will not support the process of democracy in Indonesia. Instead, it pulls backwards into the era of the new order and causes any corrupt practices to move to other parties, from bribing people into Parliament. Hence what issued by the ministry is not the best solution. This paper discusses about how the correlation between direct local election and corruption behavior of regional chiefs. The solution to overcome this is done by changing the system ranging from political parties to the intensive monitoring involving active community over all government policies in regional level and the application of legal supremacy along with equality before the law firmly against corruption by impoverishment.Key words: politic of law, corruption, regional election


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Zaldi Rusnaedy ◽  
Fatma Fatma ◽  
Almuhajir Haris

The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.


Author(s):  
Murdiansyah Herman ◽  
Muhammad Uhaib As’ad

This article analyses the political drama of the fall Soeharto's government in May 1998, after 32 years in   power, has made a new era of this country democratic life. The fall of the Soeharto’s government which gave  to a new era of democratization has changed of political landscape from the authoritarian system to the transition of democracy.  The democratic transition has had an impact on the almost uncontrollable political dynamics. It also provides an opportunity for central and local political actors to consolidate power and reposition themselves to capture of  power institutions  and democratic institutions through contestation of local elections. In the capitalization   democracy,   political pragmatism structured in democratic behavior has spawned the costly cost of democracy. Therefore, it has become a fact in the current reality of democracy that political actors who occupy the stage of democracy are people who have capital (money) or background as entrepreneurs. The involvement of mine bosses in the local elections in South Kalimantan as sponsors of political fund or as candidats local rulers has spawned a black market of democracy characterized by political concessions and transactions through a network of political patronage. South Kalimantan is known as a coal mining product, mining issues in the local election became political marketing to   build political  patronage networks   among local actors. In the context of open competition in local elections, the issue of political funding becomes the most crucial in the democratic transition. The political brokers will position themselves as shadow government after local election in government and become as a controler  in policy government, especially mining policy. The mine bosses have of  bergaining position in the political landscape and political patronage network to place the people who occupy the position of the local head by   power money and oligarchy of political party. The heads of political parties or political elites in South Kalimantan are majority as  mine bosses. Thus, the existence of political parties has been taken drive by capitalist . The cartelization politiacal parties became clearer in the lead up to the elections in which party institutions had become the arena of conspiracy between party regimes and local ruling candidates or local power.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovic ◽  
Miro Hacek

The paper focuses on a lesser-known political phenomenon observed in Slovenia since the country gained its independence in 1991. At every local election since then, non-partisan candidates and lists—often called independent in the media—have been gaining more votes and increasing support. By analyzing the results of the last five local elections, we manifested that there are three origins of the success of these non-partisan candidates and lists. We also try to ascertain whether non-partisan candidates and lists are truly a product of an anti-party political culture, climate and movements, or whether they are simply another way for political parties to gain political power at local levels of government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110624
Author(s):  
Muchamad Ali Safa’at

This article analyzes the phenomenon of single candidates in Indonesia's 2020 local elections, where the number increased compared to the previous local elections. Although initially local elections with single candidates were not intended, by a ruling of the Constitutional Court a local election must still be carried out even if there is only a single pair of candidates. The number of single candidates has increased, as it becomes an easier and cheaper way to ensure victory, particularly for incumbents. This condition is strengthened by the culture of political parties that tend to provide support to candidates who possess a greater chance of winning in order to take control of the government and form political cartels. Although presently it has not been indicated that single candidates are a form of oligarchic rule and political dynasty, it may become an easy way to obtain political power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Harfaina Harfaina ◽  
Suharyo Hadisaputro ◽  
Djoko Trihadi Lukmono ◽  
Mateus Sakundarno

Filariasis adalah penyakit infeksi yang disebabkan oleh cacing Wuchereria Bancrofti, Brugia Malayi, dan Brugia Timori yang menyebabkan cairan limfe tidak dapat tersalurkan dengan baik sehingga menyebabkan pembengkakan pada tungkai dan lengan. Meskipun tidak ada penyebab kematian tetapi menyebabakan cacat permanen dan stigma sosial. Eliminasi Filariasis dilakukan dengan Program Pengobatan Massal ke seluruh penduduk di daerah endemis setahun sekali selama 5 tahun. Keberhasilan program ini memerlukan kepatuhan minum obat pencegahan filariasis. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi ketidakpatuhan minum obat sebagai upaya pencegahan filariasis. Penelitian ini Populasi dalam penelitian ini adalah penduduk berusia 15-65 tahun di dua kelurahan endemis yaitu kelurahan kuripan kertoharjo dan kelurahan jenggot selama mei-juli 2018. Sampel dalam penelitian ini 80 kasus dan 80 kontrol dengan teknik cluster random sampling. Variabel yang terbukti berpengaruh yaitu persepsi kerentanan negatif (OR=4,093) 95%CI=1,356-12,350 dan self efficacy negatif (OR=30,298) 95%CI=8,986-102,156. Persepsi kerentanan negatif dan self efficacy negatif merupakan faktor perilaku yang mempengaruhi ketidakpatuhan minum obat pencegahan filariasis. Diharapkan ada penelitian lanjutan tentang ketidakpatuhan minum obat pencegahan filariasis bukan berwujud persepsi tetapi dengan pengukuran faktor lingkungan sosial secara objektif dengan melakukan intervensi berupa perubahan perilaku.   Kata kunci : Filariasis, Ketidakpatuhan, Minum Obat, Mix Method   FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE DRINKING DRUG PREVENTION NON COMPLIANCE OF FILARIASIS IN PEKALONGAN CITY   ABSTRACT Filariasis is an infectious disease caused by worms Wuchereria Bancrofti, Brugia Malayi, and Brugia Timori, adult worm lives and damage reulting in blockage of lymph channels, causing swelling of the legs and arms. Although no cause of death but causes permanent disability and social stigma. Filariasis elimination done with the Mass Treatment Program to the entire population in endemic areas a year for 5 year. Succesfully this program required a medication adherence. The purpose of this study was to determine the factors that influence drug disobedience as an effort to prevent filariasis. This study uses a mix method. The population in this study were residents aged 15-65 years in two endemic villages, namely kuripan kertoharjo and jenggot villages during May-July 2018. Samples in this study were 80 cases and 80 controls with cluster random sampling technique. Variables that proved influential were perceptions of negative vulnerability (OR = 4,093) 95% CI = 1,356-12,350 and negative self efficacy (OR = 30,298) 95% CI = 8,986-102,156. Negative vulnerability perceptions and negative self efficacy are behavioral factors that influence non-compliance with filariasis prevention drugs. It is expected that further research on non-compliance with taking drugs to prevent filariasis is not a form of perception but objective measurement of social environmental factors by intervening in the form of behavior change.   Keywords: Filariasis, Noncompliance, Medication, Mix Method


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