scholarly journals Demography, Human Rights, and Diversity Management, American-Style

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Peter H. Schuck
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Diversity Management ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
American System ◽  
Decisions To Leave ◽  
Governmental Intervention ◽  
The U.S

This paper uses diversity management as a placeholder for human rights policy. By diversity management, I mean those policy techniques that a society can use to deal with diversity, which include not only decisions to make diversity a subject of active legal and governmental intervention, but also decisions to leave diversity to informal, unregulated choices by individuals or civil society institutions. My discussion proceeds with particular reference to the United States, in part because it has been relatively successful in managing its diversity in recent decades—relative, that is, both to its own past (especially the pre-1965 period) and to the record of other countries today. (Serious, long-standing problems in the integration of certain minorities in the U.S. remain, most notably with respect to three groups: Native-Americans, “underclass” black men, and unskilled, often undocumented, immigrants.)An approach to diversity management “works,” in my view, if and to the extent that the country’s vulnerable minorities (a) enjoy some social mobility, (b) are integrated into the major institutions of society, (c) have access to political influence roughly proportional to their limited numbers, (d) are free to live according to their own group values and practices, and (e) do not feel deep alienation from the dominant cultural norms. By this definition, the American system works relatively well—with the qualifications and exceptions noted just above. The paper proceeds in three parts. Part I seeks to sharpen our understanding of diversity by analyzing several different ways of understanding and defining that idea, with a view to underscoring the significance of choosing one or another measure of it. Part II discusses two examples— multiracial individuals and anti-profiling laws—to illustrate the inevitable politicization of certain demographic categories when used for politicallysensitive purposes. Part III presents some distinctive and, in some cases, unique features of the American approach to diversity management. Most of these features, I argue, effectively advance the cause of minority mobility and integration, whereas some tend to undermine these goals.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

American and Canadian Civil Actions Alleging Human Rights Violations Abroad by Oil and Gas Companies

2008 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Horlick ◽  
Joe Cyr ◽  
Scott Reynolds ◽  
Andrew Behrman
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Law Of Nations ◽  
Forum Non Conveniens ◽  
The Government ◽  
Oil And Gas Companies ◽  
Political Question ◽  
The U.S

Under the United States Alien Tort Statute, which permits non-U.S. citizens to bring lawsuits in U.S. courts for human rights violations that are violations of the law of nations, plaintiffs have filed claims against multinational oil and gas corporations for the direct or complicit commission of such violations carried out by the government of the country in which the corporation operated. In addition to exercising jurisdiction over U.S. corporations, U.S. courts have exercised jurisdiction in cases involving non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside the U.S.The exercise of jurisdiction by U.S. courts over non-U.S. defendants for alleged wrongful conduct against non-U.S. plaintiffs committed outside of the U.S. raises serious questions as to the jurisdictional foundation on which the power of U.S. courts to adjudicate them rests. Defences that foreign defendants can raise against the exercise of jurisdiction by the U.S. courts are an objection to the extraterritorial assertion of jurisdiction, the act of state doctrine, the political question doctrine, forum non conveniens, and the principle of comity. These defences are bolstered by the support of the defendant’s home government and other governments.

Sold—to the Highest Bidder in Japan: Operational Challenges and Culture

2015 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Gerry Yemen ◽  
Kristin J. Behfar ◽  
Allison Elias
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Japanese Firm ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
Exit Strategy ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Start Up ◽  
Financial Benefits ◽  
Operational Issues ◽  
The U.S

Most talented executives can recognize when an acquisition has strategic or financial benefits, and in this case, the decision to be acquired was an appropriate exit strategy for a successful start-up. Peter Street’s start-up had been growing quickly and was building a reputation for reliability in a booming industry when a Japanese firm offered to pay a premium for the U.S. firm. Having done business in Japan (and extensively with the acquiring company) before the sale of his company, Street entered the acquisition with enthusiasm. As part of the deal, Street’s former company would continue to operate in the United States as a division of its parent company and Street would remain as CEO. A few months into the transition, however, Street discovered a huge difference between working with and working for the Japanese firm. Cultural norms for confronting seemingly small problems quickly became bigger operational issues, and Street experienced a growing dichotomy between corporate (in Japan) and his division (in the United States). This case focuses on the challenges of implementing a cross-border acquisition.

International expansion of the Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications (ACEJMC) curricular evaluation program

2020 ◽  
Vol 82 (8) ◽  
pp. 749-763
Author(s):  
Robin Blom ◽  
Brian J Bowe ◽  
Lucinda Davenport
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Curriculum Evaluation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Cultural Norms ◽  
Journalism Education ◽  
Mass Communications ◽  
International Expansion ◽  
Curricular Evaluation ◽  
The U.S

Eight journalism educational programs outside the United States are certified by the U.S.-based Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications. A survey of journalism undergraduate program directors in the United States indicated that many respondents see opportunities for expanding this voluntary curriculum evaluation and endorsement as a way of spreading U.S. values, in particular to countries lacking press freedoms. However, other respondents worry about the cultural imperialism of imposing U.S. cultural norms and practices on those in other countries. And, some directors questioned the ability to apply standards equitably across all programs, in countries with different political and cultural environments. The results indicated a lack of consensus and the need for a thorough discussion about Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communication’s role in promoting journalism education and practice around the globe and what forms that education should take.

José Isabel Salas Galindo and Others: United States (Inter-Am. Comm'n H.R.)

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 738-822
Author(s):  
Rosa Celorio
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
Just Cause ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The U.S

On October 5, 2018, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR or Commission) issued its long-awaited decision in the case of José Isabel Salas Galindo and Others concerning the United States. The case is related to the U.S. military intervention in Panama on December 20, 1989, which resulted in the ouster of General Manuel Noriega Moreno, the country's ruler at the time. This U.S. military operation—better known as “Operation Just Cause”—has been the subject of extensive commentary historically and wide reflection on the number of casualties, effects, legality, and scope.

Congress as a Handler of Challenges: The Historical Record

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Mayhew
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
American System ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The U.S

Can the U.S. Congress address major challenges? Can Congress govern? Questions like these keep getting asked. This article addresses them by consulting the record since 1789. Given the separation-of-powers structure of the American system, such questions cannot be addressed directly. They need to be deconstructed. The presidency needs to enter the discussion, too. Also, what is a major challenge? To identify such challenges, and to supply a way of seeing how and in what respects Congress, as well as in a background frame the U.S. system more broadly, has performed, I draw on comparative analysis. How has the United States participated in thirteen major “impulses” that have invested a comparable set of nations at various times since the late eighteenth century? These challenges range from launching a new nation through building a welfare state through dealing with climate change and debt/deficit problems today.

scholarly journals Carter Versus Reagan: The Human Rights Records of Two Administrations

1988 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Michael A. Kelley
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Concern ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Class Hierarchy ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The U.S

The emergence of human rights as a public concern during the Carter administration was a recrudescence of the long tradition of moralism in American foreign policy. Confident that the republic is the pinnacle of political, social, and human development, Americans have believed since 1776 that the “United States must be a beacon of human rights to an unregenerate world” (Schlesinger, 1978: 505). Yet, while to the founding fathers America’s avoidance of Europe’s evils of class, hierarchy, and power politics was to be its greatest glory it is quite clear that they intended the U.S. to illuminate the path to a better world by example not by action. John Quincy Adam’s famous July 4 speech explained his perception of America’s mission to the world.

Doe v. Immigration and Naturalization Service

1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-573
Author(s):  
Gregory H. Fox
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Advisory Opinion ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
Court Of Appeals ◽  
Immigration And Naturalization Service ◽  
Objective Standard ◽  
Chinese Citizen ◽  
The U.S

The plaintiff, a Chinese citizen who entered the United States under a nonimmigrant student visa, appealed from a decision by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to deny his request for asylum. Plaintiff claimed that he had a “well-founded fear of persecution,” the prerequisite to attaining “refugee” status under the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (the Act) and implementing regulations promulgated by the INS. He also claimed that the immigration judge had erred by refusing to obtain a second advisory opinion from the Department of State’s Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs (BHRHA). The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit (per Nelson, J.) held that (1) the immigration judge had abused his discretion by not requesting a second advisory opinion from the BHRHA; and (2) the judge had incorrectly applied an objective standard in evaluating plaintiffs asylum request, when credible evidence demonstrated that plaintiff had a subjectively valid fear of persecution if deported to China. The court remanded the case to the immigration judge with instructions to obtain a second opinion from the BHRHA and to consider plaintiffs asylum request on the assumption that he qualified as a “refugee.”

Weaponizing the haters: The Last Jedi and the strategic politicization of pop culture through social media manipulation

First Monday ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Bay
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Pop Culture ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Media Study ◽  
Media Manipulation ◽  
The U.S

Political discourse on social media is seen by many as polarized, vitriolic and permeated by falsehoods and misinformation. Political operators have exploited all of these aspects of the discourse for strategic purposes, most famously during the Russian social media influence campaign during the 2016 presidential election in the United States and current, similar efforts targeting the U.S. elections in 2018 and 2020. The results of the social media study presented in this paper presents evidence that political influence through manipulation of social media discussions is no longer exclusive to political debate but can now also be found in pop culture. Specifically, this study examines a collection of tweets relating to a much-publicized fan dispute over the Star Wars franchise film Episode VII: The Last Jedi. This study finds evidence of deliberate, organized political influence measures disguised as fan arguments. The likely objective of these measures is increasing media coverage of the fandom conflict, thereby adding to and further propagating a narrative of widespread discord and dysfunction in American society. Persuading voters of this narrative remains a strategic goal for the U.S. alt-right movement, as well as the Russian Federation. The results of this study show that among those who address The Last Jedi director Rian Johnson directly on Twitter to express their dissatisfaction, more than half are bots, trolls/sock puppets or political activists using the debate to propagate political messages supporting extreme right-wing causes and the discrimination of gender, race or sexuality. A number of these users appear to be Russian trolls. The paper concludes that while it is only a minority of Twitter accounts that tweet negatively about The Last Jedi, organized attempts at politicizing the pop culture discourse on social media for strategic purposes are significant enough that users should be made aware of these measures, so they can act accordingly.

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