scholarly journals Hegemonic Formation in Post-Javanese Indonesian Society

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 212
Author(s):  
Aprinus Salam

In society, there are various structured power relations that connect individuals who share certain interests and objectives. In these power relations, hegemony plays a significant role. Hegemony is the most important notion in the Marxist tradition, especially as it is conceptualized by Gramsci. This paper tries to re-read the issue of hegemony in the context of ideological contestation in Javanese society in Indonesia. The problem will be examined based on post-Marxist theory, especially as it relates to the demolition of the strong order of capitalism. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that hegemony forms itself in layers. The layers influence each other so that there is one area of hegemonic intersection. In Javanese society these days, there is a “competition,” especially in Yogyakarta, to return, feel, and become more Javanese than others. The implication is that there are parties who feel more Javanese than others. This case in this study is referred to as the post-Javanese society. However, in the intersection area, there are all-powerful puppeteers.

SATS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Andreas Beck Holm

AbstractIn this paper, it is argued that even though the concept of community does not play a significant role in Marxist theory, Marxism needs a notion of community, and the paper sets out to theorize how to make sense of this concept in a Marxist theoretical setting. The paper claims that Althusser’s philosophy, especially his elaboration of the concept of practice, may assist us in this task, and it sets out to explore what can be gained by redefining community in terms of practice. In Althusser’s theory, practice and ideology are very closely linked. While recognizing the importance of Althusser’s theory of ideology, the paper then subsequently explores an alternative configuration of the concepts community and ideology. Finally, it is claimed that this analysis may help us to better understand ideologies such as racism and nationalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Made Fitri Padmi

AbstrakKarya tulis ini mencoba untuk membuat suatu hubungan antara manusia dan peperangan, dan menganalisa peran dari suatu gender dalam masa perang. Perspektif gender memiliki peran yang signifikan, tidak hanya dalam membentuk dan menjalankan perang, tetapi juga terhadap dampak dari perang. Di berbagai budaya, masyarakat menentukan perannya berdasarkan perbedaan gender, termasuk di dalamnya peran masyarakat pada masa perang. Perang dan militarisasi dipandang sebagai produk maskulin, dan juga bagaimana “memaskulinkan” masyarakat. Sedangkan, Feminisme membawa perspektif yang berbeda untuk memahami peperangan. Pasifis atau karakter damai dari perempuan digunakan untuk menganalisa perdamaian pasca perang. Sebagai hasil, tulisan ini berpendapat bawah suatu hal yang penting untuk memberikan pemahaman yang lebih baik bahwa peperangan bukanlah fenomena yang bebas dari atribut gender. Peperangan juga berperan besar dalam mengkonstuksi hubungan antar gender.Kata kunci: Gender, Feminisme, Maskulinitas, Perang, Militerisasi.AbstractThis paper tries to make correlation between war and people, and to analyse the role of gender perspectives during wartime. Gender perspective plays a significant role not only in shaping and executing warfare, but also in giving the specific impact of war. In many cultures in the world, people determine social roles based on gender disparities, including roles during wartime. War and militarisation are products of the masculine and, at the same time, means of masculinizing people. However, Feminism bring different levels of perspectives on how to understand the war. Pacific or peace characteristics of women are often used to analyse the peace prospect after war. As result, this paper argues that, it is a significant attempt to create better understanding that war is not gender neutral. War plays a massive role in gender construction and impacts greatly on gender relations.Keywords: Gender, Feminism, Masculinity, War, Militarisation


1999 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Brandist

AbstractWhen, in the early 1980s the ideas of post-structuralism seemed rampant within academic critical theory, the appearance of the flawed English translation of Mikhail Bakhtin's central essays on the novel seemed to offer a very promising alternative perspective.1 Bakhtin's model of discursive relations promised to guard the specificity of discourse from being obscured by a web of determinations, while allowing the development of an account of the operations of power and resistance in discourse that could avoid the nullity of Derrida's hors-texte and the irresponsible semiotic hedonism of the later Barthes. Marxist theorists such as Raymond Williams, Terry Eagleton and Allon White immediately and effectively seized upon the translated work of the Bakhtin circle to bolster their arguments, but, as translations of the earlier and later philosophical material appeared, it became apparent that the relationship between work of the circle and the Marxist tradition was very problematic. With this, the American anti-Marxist Slavists – some of whom had been responsible for certain of these translations – moved onto the offensive, arguing that Bakhtin's work was fundamentally incompatible with, and in principle hostile to, Marxism. Occasionally, they went further, arguing that Bakhtin was quite unconcerned with politics and questions of power, being an ethical, or even a religious philosopher before all else. The Americans did have a point. Bakhtin certainly was not a Marxist and the Marxism of some of his early colleagues and collaborators was of a rather peculiar sort. Furthermore, the key problematic area was indeed Bakhtin's ethics which, it became ever more apparent, underlies his most critically astute and productive work and serves to blunt its political edge. Important points of contact between the work of the Bakhtin circle and Marxist theory do persist, however, as Ken Hirschkop and Michael Gardiner, among others, have continued to register. In this article, examining some of the sources of Bakhtin's philosophy, which have only just been revealed in the new Russian edition of his work, we shall analyse the features of Bakhtin's ethics that stifle the political potential of dialogic criticism, and we will suggest ways in which that potential may be liberated.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter-Paul Verbeek ◽  

Andrew Feenberg’s political philosophy of technology uniquely connects the neo-Marxist tradition with phenomenological approaches to technology. This paper investigates how this connection shapes Feenberg’s analysis of power. Influenced by De Certeau and by classical positions in philosophy of technology, Feenberg focuses on a dialectical model of oppression versus liberation. A hermeneutic reading of power, though, inspired by the late Foucault, does not conceptualize power relations as external threats, but rather as the networks of relations in which subjects are constituted. Such a hermeneutic approach replaces De Certeau’s tactics of resistance with a critical and creative accompaniment of technological developments.


The article demonstrates the relevance of the concept of «national bourgeoisie» in the context of researching the ruling elite in Ukraine. The main limitations of the current concepts of the Ukrainian ruling elite are an ahistorical approach, and treating it (elite) as an anomaly, pathology. Particular attention is paid to the criticism of the concepts «neopatrimonial democracy», «oligarchy», «corruption», which constitute the core contents of the current concepts of the ruling elite in Ukraine. The concept of «national bourgeoisie» and the exposition of its evolution in Marxist theory serves as the basis for the criticism. It was determined that neopatrimonialism, and with it oligarchy and corruption, are concepts denoting the power of one faction unfavorable for theother faction of the bourgeoisie. These terms do not refer to any existing norm, alternative, do not imply the opposite, its otherness (democracy, the rule of law, but they are polemical, rhetorical figures in the class struggle. The theoretical content of these concepts acquires scientific meaning only when using the Marxian concept of the bourgeoisie (or the national bourgeoisie in the Marxist tradition), which presupposesthe rule of law insofar as it meets the economic interests of the bourgeoisie, and the state is a concentrated expression of these interests, as well as a foothold in the struggle of different factions of the bourgeoisie among themselves and against the oppressed classes (hence, bourgeois democracy). Power is not conceived outside of capital since capitalists are indirectly or directly related to each other and influence the authorities' decisions. Under the conditions of postcolonialism, or neocolonialism, the national bourgeoisie has resorted to more direct forms of protecting their interests through state, restricting foreign capital in the economy and political power. However, this does not mean the absolute independence of the national bourgeoisie from the transnational bourgeoisie, both in the political and in economic sense. The study proves the necessity of using the concept of «national bourgeoisie» for researching the ruling elite in Ukraine under capitalism in general, and the intra– and interclass struggle in particular.


2021 ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arabadzhyan

The paper investigates contemporary political and ideological shifts of Cuban socialism paying specific attention to the period of actualization of Cuban socio-economic model of development implemented since the VI Congress of the Communist party of Cuba. The analysis is based on the different variants of Cuban Constitutions and proposes three historical models of Cuban socialism (Marxist-Leninist, the model of transition and the actualization period model). Comparing the texts of the Constitutions, the study sheds light on several key aspects: the role and functions of the State and the Party, ideological problems of socialism, communism and Marxism, the evolution of the exploitation and oppression concepts, issues of equity and equality, and appeal to the figure of J. Marti. Using historical method, comparative analysis and Marxist theory, as the latter has been the base for the first model of Cuban socialism under investigation, the paper reveals the role of Marxism within the three models. The study uncovers the contradiction between postulating a significant role of Marxism within the actualization model and revision of several core Marxist principles as well as the turn towards national issues in the contemporary Cuban socialism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennet Kirkpatrick

AbstractMost contemporary political theorists who have interpreted Sophocles'Antigonehave focused on the fearsome clash between Antigone and Creon. The relationship between Antigone and her weaker, more cautious sister Ismene has not garnered similar attention. This essay addresses this gap by revisiting the tantalizing possibility that Ismene played a more significant role in resisting Creon than has often been assumed. The essay shifts the analysis ofAntigone, first, by illuminating the complex and fraught relationship between two women and emphasizing the political and legal challenges that they face together as women. Second, the essay shifts focus from vertical power relations—that is, between the individual and government—to horizontal power relations between disempowered outsiders. On this reading,Antigonereveals less about the downfall of a character than it does about the political power of the weak and disadvantaged.


Author(s):  
Robert Knox

Ever since the 2008 financial crisis, Marxism has made something of a comeback in both the public and scholarly spheres. That crisis—and the austerity that followed in its wake—has highlighted capitalism’s volatile nature, its stark class division and, perhaps, pointed to its limits. Yet, arguably, the “resurgence” in Marxist approaches to international law began earlier, with the 2003 Iraq War. That war—occurring in the wake of the 1999 Kosovo intervention and the 2001 “war on terror”—triggered a wave of theorizing about “empire” and “imperialism.” Crucially, given the importance of international law in justifying and opposing the war, questions increasingly came to be asked about international law’s own relationship to imperialism. This was the “classic” Marxist question, and it invited a reexamination of the Marxist tradition. Although Marxism has never been especially well represented in international law, these scholars were nonetheless able to draw on a wider Marxist tradition—encompassing specifically Marxist works in international law, as well as more general Marxist reflections about the nature of capitalism and its relationship to other social forms. Thus, although the Marxist tradition is one filled with disagreement, there are several common aspects to it. Above all, Marxist approaches are committed to grounding the law in its wider material context: understanding the ways in which political-economic relationships—and their attendant conflicts—shape and are manifested within (international) law. Moreover, the Marxist tradition has a number of canonical works—beginning of course with those of Marx and Engels—that serve as theoretical and political lodestars. This bibliography aims to map out some of the most important Marxist scholarship in international law. It begins with a more general account of “classical Marxist” theory—in both its more general and specifically legal variants. It then details some of the different theoretical approaches that have been drawn from the Marxist tradition. Following on from this, it picks out some of the key themes that have animated Marxist thinking about the law. Finally, it looks at how Marxists have engaged with specific areas of international law.


Author(s):  
Viren Murthy

Lu Xun was claimed and canonized as a Marxist by the Chinese Communist Party, while Japanese and Western critics frequently read his work as a critique of modernity. Whereas the latter approach tends to trace the continuity in his writings, the Marxist approach largely brackets his earlier work. This chapter attempts to bring Marxist theory in dialogue with Lu Xun’s work in a different way, by focusing on his early writings and reading them in relation to various theorists. Through a close reading of two of Lu Xun’s early essays, “On the Destruction of Malevolent Voices” and “Imbalanced Cultural Development,” this chapter examines debates within the Marxist tradition, especially about issues related to global capitalism and the possibilities of a socialist future in countries on the periphery of the world-system. In this way, Lu Xun and Marxist theory can illuminate one another.


1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. M. Shandro

AbstractSome recent Marxologists (notably Allen Buchanan, Richard Miller and Allen Wood) have denied that the idea of justice can play any significant role within Marxist thought. This article maintains, on the contrary, that the very logic of historical materialism, notably the concept of the historical development of human needs, necessitates a concept of justice even in the higher phase of communism. Furthermore, the “anti-juridical” interpretation of Marx fails to provide an adequate account of the connection between the communist values of self-realization and community. It therefore obscures the concerns addressed by a notion of justice. The early Marx's concept of species-being (Gattungswesen) expresses the relation between self-realization and community in historical terms. Thus it provides an appropriate context for a Marxist theory of justice.


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