scholarly journals Social and Political Strategies of Young People: Across D.I.Y. and Institutional Patterns

Author(s):  
Irina Simonova

Today’s youth are characterized by the diversification and turnover of collective actors claiming their interests, rights, and needs. ‘Dispersed’ politicization of youth is also manifested in the extending range of socio-political activities, which at the moment may take place not only in the vertical structure of official state institutions, but also in the horizontal plane of autonomous ‘grassroots’ initiatives according to D.I.Y pattern (Do It Yourself), which raises the issue of describing and systematizing these phenomena. The objective of this paper is to compile the outcomes of 2019 studies aimed at creating and testing the tools to describe the current phenomena of institutional and self-organized politicization of youth, namely, to develop the concept of sociological and political strategy and to determine the range of such strategies in the youth milieu. The paper presents the concept of the sociological and political strategy, including a methodological framework, a model and typology of sociological and political strategies of the Russian youth, comprising 10 main types with the focus on the institutional and self-organized patterns of political activities along with the main risks identified. The research methods: the content analysis of statements on the Internet (on thematic resources and social networks), the analysis of essays by students and school pupils (n = 21) regarding the issue of self-determination with respect to politics, interviews comprising the elements of case studies (n = 10) conducted in 2019 as well as the analysis of interview findings for 2017—2018 (n = 17). The diagnostic method – ‘Determination of the youth political strategy type’ was appraised (n = 55). The Delphi approach and brainstorming with elements of technology foresight were used at the phase of developing recommendations to work with the young.

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110026
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland

Responding to Rueda’s questions, this essay explains the political-strategic approach (PSA) to populism and highlights its analytical strengths, which have become even more important with the emergence of populist governments across the world. PSA identifies populism’s core by emphasizing the central role of personalistic leaders who tend to operate in opportunistic ways, rather than consistently pursuing programmatic or ideological orientations. PSA is especially useful nowadays, when scholars’ most urgent task is to elucidate the political strategies of populist chief executives and their problematic repercussions, especially populism’s threat to democracy.


Author(s):  
Angela M. Eikenberry

AbstractSocial transformations around the world have increased the need for philanthropy and motivated people to become more active at the local level. Giving circles have emerged from this context, providing a hands-on, “do-it-yourself” approach to philanthropy. They involve individuals collaborating to support causes of mutual interest and frequently include social, educational, and engagement opportunities for members. In this research, I focus on understanding if participation in these new forms of philanthropic voluntary association lead to greater civic and political participation. That is, do giving circles serve as schools of democracy? I draw on survey data from current and past members of giving circles and donors outside these circles, as well as interviews with giving circle members, in the U.S. and U.K. The findings suggest that giving circles have a positive impact on giving, volunteering, and efforts to address problems in the community, but little effect on participation in changing government policy or other political activities.


Author(s):  
Mahesh S. Raisinghani ◽  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa

The goal of this chapter was to study the political strategies utilized in the context of e-learning. The research is based on the e-learning political strategies (ELPoS) model. The model is based on two dimensions: (1) the direction of the political strategy (upward or downward) and (2) the scope of the political strategy (individual or group based). The model assumes that the interaction between these dimensions will define four different types of e-learning political strategies, which, in turn, will lead to different outcomes. The model is presented in the context of the literature on e-learning and is accompanied with four short case studies that demonstrate its political strategies. The discussion and conclusions section integrates the findings from the case studies and outlines the rules that govern the utilization of political e-learning strategies in different organizational contexts.


Author(s):  
Patrick Geoghegan

This essay explores how the political language of the nineteenth-century Irish political leader Daniel O’Connell did not present a consistent doctrine, or a finely articulated programme, but a persuasion. O’Connell’s political strategy was to present a broad judgement of political affairs informed by common sentiments and beliefs about what was happening in Ireland. In doing so, he developed his own political rhetoric and articulated a language that inspired the downtrodden Catholics to follow him and agitate for their civil rights. The language remained consistent even as the political strategies switched and changed, and rolled and adapted to suit changing political realities. By casting himself as the people’s tribune, O’Connell made himself the champion of the oppressed, but it also ensured that his legacy was hotly contested.


Author(s):  
Antonella Esposito

This study explores the self-organized activities undertaken across Web 2.0 and social media services by individual PhD researchers in their doctoral journey. It aims to add to the emergent body of knowledge reporting the doctoral students' experience in the digital venues for scholarly purposes. This chapter is based upon an international and multi-method research carried out to canvass the variety of social media practices characterizing the PhD researchers' digital engagement. The findings offer a detailed and unprecedented repertoire of individual experiments in taming social media to scholarly tasks. The results suggest that complex negotiations occur between technology and practice, where the tension between the need for supporting existing tasks and the attempt for expanding opportunities for personal development is always at work and prefigures an approach to digital engagement always on the move. Furthermore, the research sparks questions about any institution-led initiatives to support the sort of ‘do-it-yourself' PhD emerging from the participants' narratives.


2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan T. Hiskey

AbstractThis essay extends the discussion on the politics of reform by identifying specific political strategies that allow policymakers to implement difficult economic reforms in the context of an increasingly democratic and contentious policymaking environment. Analyzing the policymaking strategy of Mexican president Carlos Salinas (1988-94) in his efforts to reorganize the Port of Veracruz, it identifies the element of political entrepreneurship as essential to the long-term success of Salinas's port policy. When compared with the mixed record of many of Salinas's other reforms and the authoritarian manner in which they were implemented, the port policy stands out both for its successful outcome and for Salinas's concerted political efforts to implement it. Even in the context of an authoritarian policymaking regime, an effective political strategy is an important element in achieving the long-term goals of market-based reforms.


Allpanchis ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (83-84) ◽  
pp. 39-67
Author(s):  
Donato Amado Gonzales

En 1539, don Cristóbal Paullo, uno de los hijos del inca Huayna Cápac, fue nombrado «inca» como parte de una estrategia política de los españoles. Desde entonces tuvo acceso a encomiendas de indios. Don Cristóbal se casó con doña Catalina Tocto Oxica y tuvieron dos hijos: don Carlos Inquill Topa y don Felipe Inquill Topa. Don Carlos Inquil Topa se casó con doña María Esquivel Amarilla y tuvieron un solo hijo llamado Melchor Carlos Inca. El nacimiento de Melchor fue visto por la población nativa como un gran acontecimiento pues había nacido un «rey inca», el cual incluso llegó a ser temido por los funcionarios españoles coloniales al saber que se referían a él como «Cápac Inca». Don Melchor Carlos Inca se identificaba como nieto de don Cristóbal Paullo Inca y bisnieto del inca Huayna Cápac. Se convirtió en un personaje importante dentro de la sociedad virreinal cusqueña. Don Melchor fue bautizado y se casó con doña Leonor Arias Carrasco, hija del conquistador Pedro Alonso Carrasco, ambos eventos fueron significativos para la sociedad cusqueña. La encomienda de Pichigua, de propiedad de don Melchor, era de mucha importancia económica y social, por ello para mantener esta encomienda y sus actividades sociales/políticas, se vio obligado a vender e hipotecar por vía de censo parte de su patrimonio. En 1599, el virrey Luis de Velasco dio una comisión al capitán Antonio Pereira (regidor perpetuo) para averiguar la ascendencia y los servicios de los ancestros de don Melchor. En 1603, don Melchor viajó a España para reclamar sus privilegios y logró su inclusión como Caballero de la Orden de Santiago. La descendencia de Cristóbal Paullo Inca logró establecer y constituir la capilla de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe en el convento e iglesia de San Francisco, donde tuvieron el honor de tener una bóveda funeraria, la cual fue cuidada y mantenida por sus descendientes hasta el siglo XVII.  Abstract In 1539, don Cristobal Paullo, one of the sons of the Inca ruler Huayna Capac, was named «Inca» as a political strategy of the Spaniards. Since then, he received an encomienda. Don Cristobal was married to doña Catalina Tocto Oxica and had two sons, don Carlos Inquill Topa and don Felipe Inquill Topa. Don Carlos Inquil Topa married doña Maria Esquivel Amarilla and had only one son named Melchor Carlos Inca. The birth of Melchor was seen by the native population as a great event because an “Inca king” had been born, he even became feared by the colonial Spanish officials when they knew he was referred as the «Capac Inca». Don Melchor Carlos Inca identified himself as grandson of don Cristobal Paullo Inca and great-grandson of the Inca Huayna Capac. He became an important figure within the Cuzco›s colonial society. Don Melchor was baptized and married doña Leonor Arias Carrasco, daughter of the Spanish conquistador Pedro Alonso Carrasco, both events were meaningful for Cusco society. Don Melchors’ encomienda of Pichigua was of great economic and social importance, in order to maintain this encomienda and his social/political activities, he had to sell or mortgage part of his inherited patrimony. In 1599, the Viceroy Luis de Velasco ordered captain Antonio Pereira («regidor perpetuo») to ascertain the ancestry and services of don Mechor and his ancestors. In 1603, don Melchor traveled to Spain in order to claim his privileges and succeeded at obtaining a knighthood in the Order of Santiago. The descendants of Cristóbal Paullo Inca established the Chapel of Our Lady of Guadalupe in the Convent and Church of San Francisco where they had the honour of having a burial vault which was carefully guarded and maintained by their descendants until 17th Century.


Author(s):  
Nasim Niknafs

Without access to official state-sanctioned, public music education, Iranian youth, specifically rock and alternative musicians, follow a self-organized and anarchistic path of music making. Expertly negotiating between the act of music making and the unpredictable situations they face daily, they have become creative in finding new ways to propagate their music and learn the rules of their profession. Meanings attached to assessment in these circumstances become redefined and overshadow the quality of music being created. Assessment becomes a local activism that countervails the top-down, summative model. This chapter provides some characteristics of assessment in music teaching and learning in urban Iran that follow Nilsson and Folkestad’s (2005) ecocultural perspective, consisting of four elements: (a) Gibson’s (1979) concept of affordances, (b) orality, (c) theories of play, and (d) theories of chance. Consequently, assessment in urban Iranian music education can be categorized as follows: (1) do-it-yourself (DIY) and do-it-with-others (DIWO), (2) interactive and decentralized, (3) local anarchism, and (4) lifestyle. This chapter concludes that the field of music education should take a “slightly outside perspective” (Lundström, 2012, p. 652) and proactive approach toward assessment, rather than the reactionary approach to music teaching and learning in which assessment becomes an end goal rather than an approach embodied within learning.


Author(s):  
Maria A. De Villa

This chapter analyzes the political strategies of subsidiaries of multinational enterprises (MNEs). In doing so, I review the literature at the crossroads of corporate political strategy and international business (IB) strategy and identify four relevant themes. First, the types of political strategies deployed by subsidiaries dichotomize into engaged and non-engaged; and into legal and illegal. Second, the responses of subsidiaries to host political contexts, involve exercising voice, exit, or loyalty through different types of political strategies. Third, the determinants that explain the choice, approach (transactional or relational), level of participation (individual or collective), intensity, or dissimilarity of the political strategies of subsidiaries, can be clustered into five levels of analysis: home country, host country, multinational, subsidiary, and managerial. Fourth, the main outcomes of subsidiary political strategies are legitimacy in the host country and performance. The chapter concludes with promising opportunities for future research on political strategies from a subsidiary perspective, a growing area of study in IB strategy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (02) ◽  
pp. 203-205
Author(s):  
PROMONA SENGUPTA

To articulate what is past does not mean to recognize ‘how it really was.’ It means to take control of a memory, as it flashes in a moment of danger.The last two years have seen some significant anniversaries being celebrated – one hundred years of the Bolshevik Revolution, fifty years since May 1968, two hundred years since the birth of Karl Marx and, most recently, the birth centenary of Rosa Luxemburg. As a student activist more or less masquerading as an amateur theatre historian, I have never felt more in need of the tools of my so-called trade than during these interesting times when I found myself assiduously attending conferences, memorials, re-enactments and commemorative performances earmarking moments of radical histories. David Wiles's article, charting the contours – often clear and sometimes obscure – of the field of theatre history as it stands at the moment brings into relief some of the questions that have been running in the background of the heady extended solidarity party that has been my engagement with the field in recent times, resonating with his conclusion of history-writing as ‘practice, not product’. I will attempt to glean from Wiles's reflections some points that I feel may be important for scholars for whom history writing is most certainly a ‘social practice’, if not also a deeply political act.


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