scholarly journals BEING THE CHANGE: SOCIAL JUSTICE IN EXTERNSHIP PROGRAM EVALUATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Katie Spillane

Around the globe, clinical legal education [CLE] narratives resonate with a desire to promote social justice and the vindication of human rights. Yet scholarship exploring CLE’s accomplishment of these aims is scant and generally focuses only on student outcomes. This literature appears to be based not on theory and results, but hope: the hope that changed students will change the world. To invest on hope alone is unwise, particularly when all stakeholders face financially precarious times. In this context, this article argues that the existing focus on student outcomes is disproportionate and unhelpful. The existing narrow focus on student outcomes marginalizes other stakeholders and creates significant blind spots in program evaluation. This article proposes a broader analysis that would ask what value systems and power distribution CLE programs themselves create or reinforce, focusing on both the immediate impact of CLE programming and reinforcing the values human rights education seeks to inculcate by incorporating these into the structure of CLE programs themselves. Aux quatre coins du monde, le discours sur l’enseignement juridique clinique est empreint d’une soif de promouvoir la justice sociale et de défendre les droits de la personne. Pourtant, les travaux des universitaires portant sur l’atteinte de ces objectifs sont rares et se concentrent généralement sur les résultats touchant les étudiants. Ces écrits semblent fondés non pas sur des théories et des résultats mais sur l’espoir : l’espoir que des étudiants transformés transformeront le monde. Miser sur l’espoir seul est une erreur, surtout quand tous les intervenants sont aux prises avec la précarité financière. Dans ce contexte, l’auteure de cet article soutient que les efforts actuels ciblés sur les résultats touchant les étudiants sont disproportionnés et inutiles. Ce ciblage étroit marginalise les autres intervenants et crée de gros angles morts dans l’évaluation des programmes. Dans son article, l’auteure propose une analyse élargie qui pose la question de savoir quels systèmes de valeurs et quelle répartition des pouvoirs les programmes d’enseignement juridique clinique créent ou renforcent, l’accent étant mis sur les répercussions immédiates de ces programmes et sur le renforcement des valeurs que l’éducation aux droits de la personne humaine semble inculquer par l’intégration de ces valeurs dans la structure même des programmes en question.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Frank S. Bloch

This article describes one aspect of Dr N. R. Madhava Menon’s lifelong commitment to bringing ‘socially relevant legal education’ to India and around the world, whereby lawyers would be trained not just in the rules of law but also in the social and ethical responsibilities of lawyers to the society at large. Over the course of more than 25 years, the author collaborated with Dr Menon in training of law teachers in clinical methods and, in particular, in the incorporation of social justice into law school clinical and legal aid programs. A key element of their collaboration was the development of the concept of a clinical method for training clinical law teachers that could be used in training-of-trainers (TOT) workshops throughout the world, including those run by national, regional, and international clinical organizations. The result was a model for the training of clinical law teachers based on what the author and Dr Menon described elsewhere as three defining qualities of the global clinical movement: Its professional educational mission, its methodology, and its commitment to reforming legal education by reorienting it toward educating lawyers for social justice. The article concludes with a description of their model that emphasizes the setting for the training, preparing the trainee teachers for the training, the use of training by doing, and the importance of reflection and critique in the successful generalization of students’ clinical learning.


The present paper is devoted to the study of hegemony as a process of power distribution, which is based on the constant interaction of modes – dynamic characteristics of hegemony. Hegemony was often viewed as a phenomenon or state of political and ethical reality though macrohistorical, world-system and socio-economic studies during the twentieth century showed that hegemony should be considered as a process, i.e. as a whole directed and stable set of relationships (economic, social, political, military, cultural, etc.), which form the normative-value space of both society and forms of political organization, such as empires or modern states. The article analyzes the hegemony of the United States of America as a modern empire, which is characterized by transnationality, the use of «reasonable power» and the creation of an extensive infrastructure of control and discipline in various spheres of life of both societies and states. The use of structural-functional and world-system approaches has shown that US hegemony consists of four main modes (as further research may reveal other modes): capital, power, power relations, and ideology, which have a specific set of structures with their own content that provide reproduction of hegemony and its further expansion. It is proved that dollarization of the world, control over the banking system and stock exchanges, constant use of its own military forces and their mobility, control over international associations (both global and local levels), transnationalization of culture, technology and information, production of global trends, transformation of hierarchies of values and globalization processes are components of modern hegemony, its dynamic characteristics and structures that ensure its functionality. The existing structures create a dominant position of the United States in the world, which is reflected in the transformation of normative value systems of different societies, and also serve as a basis for structural and functional metamorphoses in political systems of different countries in the orbit of hegemonic influence.


2022 ◽  
pp. 008124632110709
Author(s):  
Dinesh Bhugra ◽  
Rachel Tribe ◽  
Daniel Poulter

There is considerable evidence to indicate that stigma and discrimination against people with mental illnesses are widely prevalent across nations. Research also shows that individuals with mental illnesses are likely to die 15–20 years younger than those who do not have these illnesses. In addition, they are more likely to experience delays in help-seeking leading to poor outcomes and are more likely to experience physical illnesses. Stigma and discrimination appear to play a major role in depriving people with mental illnesses of their basic rights. Their economic, political, social, and human rights are often ignored. In this article, we describe the capability to be healthy and basic principles of social justice related to mental health. We discuss findings of discrimination often embedded in laws of countries around the world in the context of basic human rights. We believe that clinicians have a key role as advocates for their patients. Clinicians and policymakers need to work together to bring about social and health equity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shalu Nigam

Vaccine equity is not working because besides the role played by the fascists and the authoritarian regimes in denying vaccine access to their population, also, it is behind the cloak of human rights that the western countries are not sharing the knowledge of production and manufacturing of the basic life-saving technologies in the times of pandemic. The G7 Summit pledged to donate one billion vaccine doses, but the world requires solidarity, not charity. Emphasis on human rights, social justice, and saving the lives of people over the profit of pharmaceutical companies is the need of the hour.


Author(s):  
Érika Do Amaral Véras ◽  
Romulo Rhemo Palitot Braga

No Brasil, assim como em diversos países do mundo, principalmente os países em desenvolvimento, o abortamento representa um grave problema de saúde pública, justiça social e direitos humanos, tornando o aspecto penal apenas um detalhe. Este estudo pretende conceder uma visão geral sob a temática do aborto, trazendo as principais mudanças sobre o assunto ao longo do tempo e, em especial, o atual posicionamento do Poder Judiciário brasileiro. Para tanto, o método de abordagem escolhido para elaboração do presente artigo foi o dedutivo, o método de procedimento foi o histórico e a técnica de pesquisa a bibliográfica.  WOMAN AND THE RIGHT TO THE OWN BODY: THE GUARDIANSHIP OF ABORTIONABSTRACT In Brazil, as well as in several countries of the world, especially developing countries, abortion represents a serious problem of public health, social justice and human rights, making the criminal aspect only a detail. This study intends to give an overview on abortion, bringing the main changes on the subject over time and, in particular, the current position of the Brazilian Judiciary. For this, the method of approach chosen for the elaboration of the present article was the deductive, the method of procedure was the historical and the research technique the bibliographic. KEYWORDS Abortion; Crime; Right.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232200582110510
Author(s):  
Omar Madhloom ◽  
Irene Antonopoulos

This article explores the theoretical foundations for a social justice–centric global law clinic movement. Our starting position is that law clinics, a type of clinical legal education (CLE), are in a unique position to engage in, and potentially promote, social justice issues outside their immediate communities and jurisdictions. To achieve this aim, it is necessary for law clinics to adopt a universal pro forma underpinned by the key concepts of CLE, namely social justice education and promoting access to justice through law reform. We argue that the main features of CLE are aligned with those of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on issues such as human dignity and social justice. Incorporating UDHR values into CLE serves three purposes. First, it acts as a universal pro forma, which facilitates communication between clinics across jurisdictions, irrespective of their cultural or legal background. Second, it allows clinics to identify sources of global injustices and to share resources and expertise to collectively address injustices. Third, the theoretical approach advocated in this article argues that clinics have a Kantian moral right to engage in transnational law reform.


Everything indicates that the year 2020 will end up signified by high levels of political conflict that set up an international scenario of exponential entropy with testimonies for order and global stability. Add to that the economic and social havoc generated by the pandemic of the new coronavirus, the outlook for 2021 is not encouraging at all. However, the question for social scientists and philosophers in general is these events to shape new political, economic and sociocultural paradigms in the world? The objective of reflections lies in presenting in the special issue, Vol. 38, II part, and at the same time analyzing the scenarios of political conflict in the real world in the context of COVID-19. The conclusion highlights the fact that, despite the expectations of social justice, sorrow and human rights of much of human societies, the theoretical and epistemological elements necessary to shape new or at least models of political, economic and social organization beyond social and liberal trajinisms are not apparent from what academic elites see.


Author(s):  
Jennifer N. Fish

This book chronicles the formation of the world’s first domestic worker movement, from the grassroots to global activism. It tells the story of individual women who not only struggled to gain rights in their own countries but mobilized transnationally, eventually taking their fight to the global policymaking arena. The story emerges from research the author conducted over the course of five years, often working alongside this formative global movement. It takes us to Geneva, Switzerland, site of the International Labour Organization, where the first policy protections for domestic workers were negotiated, and traces the key moments leading to this “happy ending for human rights.” It profiles the individuals who came together across a range of contexts to give voice to this long-overlooked labor sector. While the focus here is on domestic workers, the book also examines the model of civil society organizing that was crucial to this struggle. This model is key to an understanding of how a group with so few resources was able to organize and act within the world’s most powerful international structures to shine a light on the wider global plights of migrants, women, and informal workers. The story is one of hope that social justice change is possible, as workers formerly excluded from basic human rights and protections, who had been considered “invisible” and “victimized,” stood upon a global stage to claim their rights, recognition, and dignity long overdue.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Anderson

Globalization has eroded borders, fostered mobility, and deepened inequality virtually everywhere. The waning of the state as the world’s default political unit has had myriad consequences; among the most challenging may be the simultaneous expansion of supranational norms of human rights and contraction of legal, enforceable citizenship. The upheavals of the Arab Spring provided eloquent testimony to both the appeal of rights-based political discourse, as protesters across the region called for “bread, freedom, and social justice,” and the catastrophic consequences of reliance on weakened and ineffectual states to enforce such rights. The baleful landscape of the Middle East today suggests a warning for the rest of the world: enfeebled states may herald the demise of universal human rights.


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