“Preamble” to a Constitution for New Confederation of European nations: text and context

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-55
Author(s):  
DAVID ENGELS ◽  

The idea of protecting the European essence from collapse due to modern challenges (migration, terrorism, tensions between the EU and Asia, threats from the Middle East, discord in relations with Russia) is not new and has been discussed many times by many researchers. The author offers his solution for these and many other challenges. His vision of united Europe is offered in the preamble to the Constitution of a new confederation of European nations. This text is not an official position for political action or propaganda. This message is necessary to broaden the horizons for those Europeans who are accustomed to living for the sake of modern realities, without looking back at the great past of Europe. The author sees the solution to the impending challenges of our time in the history of European states, their economic and social development. The author proposes to Europe - if it wants to survive in the 21st century as a civilization, it needs to return to historical values and traditions that shaped it since the Middle Ages, and moreover, sharply reduce Brussels’ tendency towards centralism. Wherein a close partnership should be maintained between European countries in key policy areas. The proposed preamble appears to be a unifying political program that can act as gathering point for politicians and citizens with different views.

Author(s):  
Christopher Changwe Nshimbi

Africa turned the corner of marginalization in international affairs at the beginning of the 21st century. The end of the Cold War and global shifts in power toward the end of the previous century were closely followed by “Africa rising.” This contrasted previous decades-long narratives of a hopeless, war-ravaged, and plague-ridden continent. The Africa rising mantra followed reforms implemented in the late 1980s and early 1990s that improved institutional capacities and established African countries on firm business, economic, and political trajectories. This promised improved business environment, economic vitality, and positive democratic outlook. Africa has thus become important to major powers. They court it for its support to govern challenges that necessitate international cooperation and to enhance the major powers’ influence in global institutions and on the world. Rising Asian economies such as China and India compete for Africa’s natural resources against traditional global powers like the European Union (EU). The EU has long been economically and politically involved with Africa and has generally dominated these relations. Leading theories, discussions, and research that examine the historic, economic, and geopolitical factors at play in the evolution of African Union (AU)-EU relations suggest that elements of dependency are a calculated creation of colonialism and encounters that occurred between Africa and Europe before the advent of colonialism. Dependency continues to characterize these relations, as shown by formal AU-EU pacts. Decolonial scholars argue that the dependency is real, as Africa did not demolish colonial structures at independence. Some critical scholars further argue that the history of colonialism is also pertinent to the history of the EU in that the history of European integration was partly influenced by the history of colonialism. That is, the history of colonialism contributed to the political creation of the EU, and attempts by Western European countries to form a pan-European organization coincided with early 20th-century efforts to stabilize colonialism in Africa. The European countries could only efficiently exploit Africa by combining their political and economic capacities. AU-EU relations face many challenges in the 21st century. Influence in the relations is predominately unidirectional, with the EU determining the terms of engagement even on issues peculiar to Africa or the AU and where the latter appears to have the upper hand. The challenges show that the AU and EU are interdependent, but the onus is on the AU to set priorities right and enhance capabilities for engaging the EU. This would be easier if the EU were not continuously devising ways to maintain its dominance in the “partnership.” An overarching challenge in the partnership, therefore, is finding common ground and leveling the playing field.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 162-178
Author(s):  
Barbara I. Rogowska

Position of the Polish Workersʼ Party on the celebration of Independence Day The history of the anniversary celebrations on 11 November reflects the complicated traditions of the nation and the Polish state. For years the celebrations were accompanied by numerous changes in the ideological, legal, political and ritual layer. Individual political and social formations as well as subsequent generations of Polish citizens celebrated the anniversary of regaining independence by assigning to it different ideological, political and axiological values. Ove the course of a hundred years, it has gained a different legal and political status. From the celebration of local military circles, then political, through national anniversaries, school ceremonies to the establishment of a public holiday.In the 21st century, the holiday is additionally used by various political forces. The main form of the celebration is the Independence March. During the march Polish patriotic and human values are presented. But it also becomes the grounds for publicizing various values and anti-values. International interest in the march is dictated by the propagation of sometimes anti-democratic slogans and the political situation in Poland and the EU. Various political forces sometimes try to use the Independence Day in a spectacular way for political purposes, for media coverage, for election fights with political opponents.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-40
Author(s):  
Ulrich Brand ◽  
Gerd Steffens

Zusammenfassung: Der Beitrag fragt zunächst in einem Rückblick in historische Kontexte nach dem Verhältnis von Bildung und gesellschaftlichem Lernen und nach Gründen für ihren internen Zusammenhang, der sich insbesondere im Begriff der Mündigkeit zeigen lässt. Nach einem Blick auf die Geschichte des Themas Klimawandel/Klimakrise in öffentlicher Wahrnehmung und politischem Handeln geht der Beitrag den Gründen für die so offenkundige Differenz von Wissen und Handeln nach. Die wichtigsten dieser Gründe, so zeigt sich, lassen sich im Begriff der imperialen Lebensweise bündeln und als solche für Lernprozesse reflektieren. Im nächsten Schritt begründen die Autoren, warum sie statt einer ,,ökologischen Modernisierung“ eine ,,sozialökologische Transformation“ für den richtigeren Weg der Krisenbearbeitung halten, und sie legen dar, welche Imperative sich für eine sozialökologische Transformation angeben lassen. Abschließend führt der Beitrag die in allen Schritten der Argumentation präsenten Blicke auf gesellschaftliches Lernen unter dem Aspekt einer Wiederaneignung gesellschaftlicher Zukunft zusammen.Abstract: Looking back at historical contexts, the article first asks about the relationship between education and societal learning processes, as well as the reasons behind their internal connection which can be shown in the idea of autonomy. After taking a look at the history of climate change/climate crisis in public perception and political action, the article explores the reasons for the obvious difference between knowledge and action. The most important of these, it turns out, can be analysed as imperial way of living and as such critically reflected for learning processes. Next, the authors explain why they consider a “socio-ecological transformation” rather than an “ecological modernization” to be the better way of dealing with the crisis and list the imperatives for a socio-ecological transformation. Finally, the article unites various views of social learning at all steps of the argument under the banner of re-appropriation of the future of society.


ACC Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Alena Jaklová

This article analyses German surnames from the point of view of their motivation and classification into respective semantic-motivational types. The analysis is based on a corpus of data compiled at the beginning of the 21st century from the archive records containing surnames of inhabitants of the towns of Prachatice, Volary, Vimperk and Kašperské Hory. All of these towns are situated close to the German border and, until the mid-1940s, had predominantly been inhabited by German population. The final section of the article identifies the most frequent semantic-motivational types of German surnames currently used by Czechs in the area explored. The article also explains the etymology and motivation of these surnames in relation to the history of the region and to ethnic groups inhabiting the area since the Middle Ages.


Classics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Van Nuffelen

Orosius was a Spanish priest, attested in the years 414–419. He is best known as the author of the Histories against the pagans (416–417), a world history that was conceived as a companion piece to the first ten books of Augustine’s City of God. The Histories would become the most-read history of the Middle Ages and be translated in Old English and Arabic in the 9th to the 10th centuries. Orosius also plays a secondary role in other controversies of the period. He wrote a tract against Priscillianism, and an Apology to defend himself from accusations of heresy coming from partisans of Pelagius. Finally, bringing relics of St Stephen to Spain, he landed in Minorca, sparking one of the most-discussed episodes of conversion of the Jews. If Orosius is, all in all, a minor figure in late antique history, his Histories have been treated as proof of some strongly held opinions about late antique historiography and early Christianity. The Histories, relying mainly on earlier sources, have been seen to exemplify the essentially derivative nature of late antique historiography, while its apologetic tendency has been taken as proof that Christians were not interested in historical events and subordinated everything to theological views on the course of history. Scholarship also tends to stress the gulf between Augustine’s apparent rejection of the alliance between empire and Church and Orosius’s apparent espousal of it. More recent scholarship has shed doubt on these long-held views, which are, in fact, shaped by modern theological responses to enthusiasm for dictatorial regimes found in some Christian circles in the 1930s. Scholarship on Orosius is very international, with numerous publications in Spanish, Italian, French, and German. Only starting in the early 21st century has scholarship in English picked up.


1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony D. Smith

In this paper I want to explore the role of myths of descent and renewal in nourishing a sense of ethnic identity and mobilising ethnic communities for political action. Much of the recent literature on the upsurge in ethnic sentiment, by focussing on the postwar West and concentrating on immediate economic, social and political factors, fails to grasp the deep historical and sociological roots of modern nations and the persistence of ethnic ties and symbols around which nationalists could create their nations. There is a long history of formation and dissolution of ethnie, reaching back to the first recorded cases in ancient Summer, Egypt and Crete, which forms the backdrop to the modern drama of nationalism and the specifically modern revival of ethnicity. Not only are the postwar ethnic autonomy movements simply a recent variation of a wider ethnic and national revival going back to the late eighteenth century in Europe; this latter revival is but the latest of a series of such resurgences, some of them purely local and others widely diffused. In pre-Roman antiquity, just as in the early European Middle Ages, and in the Far East and Africa more recently, that ancient and widespread social formation, the ethnie, has occupied a variable but important position in the hierarchy of human allegiance and has, on occasion, served as a focus for political movements and organisations. Whether we think of the kingdoms of Hittites, Hurrians and Elamites in the second millennium B.C., or the early medieval regna of Franks, Normans and Visigoths, we cannot escape from the fact that these states rested, to a large degree, on a sense of identity and solidarity deriving from elements of their shared culture and their social and political interactions with significant outsiders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 193 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-546
Author(s):  
Tomasz Szulc

The Neisse Garrison always held a strategic position starting with its es-tablishment in the Early Middle Ages until the end of the 20th century. Its convenient location in the Sudety Foothills meant that it served de-fence functions protecting this area from both attacks from the north and the south. Over the centuries relations between the city and the military underwent numerous transformations depending on who con-trolled it. In the times of the Bishop’s Duchy and the rule of Habsburg only small troops stationed in the garrison, and the security of the whole area was provided by bulwarks. In 1741, after Neisse was seized by Frederick II, the town acquired enormous significance. The symbiosis between Neisse and the military, which lasted for the subsequent 260 years, had a considerable influence on the development and im-portance of the town. As a result of changes which took place in the Polish Army on the turn of the 20th and 21st century, the Neisse Garri-son was closed down.


Author(s):  
Graziella Federici Vescovini

An overview of current medieval philosophical and scientific studies would seem justified at the beginning of the 21st century. While no part of the history of philosophy has been so much despised as the Middle Ages (this period having been called until the beginning of the 20th century the ›dark ages‹), numerous internationally signi;cant studies on this topic have recently been published. Essays and monographs, critical editions, anthologies and re­views have addressed many facets of medieval thought, particularly the medieval institu­tional context and the intellectual life of the Middle Ages along with the history of medie­val philosophy and science. This essay looks at studies of different philosophical tendencies from the end of the 13th century to the 15th century, not restricting itself to medieval Aristo­telianism.


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