EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: PROBLEMS AND TRENDS

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
V.N. ZHUKOV ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
Andrey Vershinin

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.


Author(s):  
Tatyana V. Troitskaya ◽  

Introduction. The socio-political sphere of the state is the foundation of its democratic development and a prerequisite for longterm state-building. The history of the development of the Russian state testifies to the absence of traditions of the formation of democratic institutions and their development. Social movements in the modern state are the mainstay of the development of the country’s political system and the prerequisite for the formation of new political parties. In accordance with the Federal Law “On Public Associations”, a public movement is a type of public association that has a mass character and pursues social, political and other socially useful goals. Taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of constitutional and legal regulation of the activities of political parties, it is necessary to consider the issue of expanding the participation of social movements in the socio-political life and in the electoral process. Theoretical analysis. Today, Russia stands on the path of democratic transformation of all state institutions. The institutions of the socio-political sphere of civil society also need this transformation. The activities of political parties in a country with a stable constitutional framework are the basis for the exercise of state power. The functioning party system of modern Russia is not characterized by elements of completeness. Social movements, taking into account the Russian reality, could become a platform for the formation of competitive political parties in the future. Empirical analysis. The analysis of the content of the Federal Law “On the basic guarantees of electoral rights and the right to participate in the referendum of citizens of the Russian Federation” indicates the legal consolidation of such a concept as “electoral association”. This concept is introduced to define the subject of electoral actions in the process of holding elections at various territorial levels. Its content indicates that in the framework of federal and regional elections, these are primarily political parties. In elections to local self-government bodies, such an electoral association may be a public movement, provided that the purpose of participation in the elections is fixed in the statutory documents. Results. The natural process of forming political parties is related to their grassroots level of formation. Today’s Russian party system is in crisis, and small political parties do not enjoy electoral support. It is necessary to create legal conditions for the development of socio-political movements – as an organizational basis for the formation of political parties with stable political programs. The conclusion is formulated that among all the variety of social movements functioning in Russia, one can distinguish such a variety as socio-political movements and provide for their right to nominate candidates for deputies in single-mandate and multi-mandate electoral districts, as well as their participation in the implementation of public control in Russia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Viсtor Nitsevich

The article is devoted to a little-studied side of authority, in particular the authorities of the President of Russia. Exploring the constitutional scope of power, we can say that the President of Russia has a sufficiently large amount of power, backed up by the legal provisions of the Constitution. However, in practice, it has turned out that not only their influence but the power of the President has a wider scope. First of all, the article notes the subjective grounds and mechanisms of power over the chairman of the government and the terms of his appointment. In this case, the key role is played by the political party United Russia, which was created by the President, although the President is outside the party system of Russia. A substantial expansion of the power of the President occurred as a result of the creation of federal districts and the formation of an institution of plenipotentiaries. The rationale is given that the change of legal norms for the election of governors, where the President plays the main role in nominating candidacy, and the procedure for registering them is entirely determined by the United Russia political party under his control, ultimately expanded the scope of authority of the President. In disclosing the subjective grounds for expanding the power of the President of the Russian Federation, so-called “approvals” of candidacy for various senior positions of state and municipal service, as well as of the security and control bodies play a part. The rating of the President was a massive subjective basis that allowed him to expand the scope of his power. The study of public confidence in the President allowed one to see the dependence of the expansion of his power on the level of his support by citizens of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Alla N. Gutorova

The party system in contemporary Russia has a number of features that should be taken into account in the course of the legal research and search for the optimal correlation of party and independent (individual) representation in the constitutional mechanism of the popular trust mandate. In our opinion, it is the features of the Russian party system at the present stage of its historical development, not multiparty as such, that determine the main vector of constitutional-legal regulation of these public relations and the relevant assessment of this phenomenon in Russian legal science. The research methodology is based on a comparative legal method that allowed the comparison of party and independent representation in the popular representation system. The use of the historical and legal method is determined by the need to identify the features of the development of the party system in modern Russia through the prism of historical facts. The forecasting method has allowed determining the prospects of further development of the Russian political system. The constitutional system of the Russian Federation over the past decades has demonstrated a very decisive rejection of the one-party ideological system and the transition to the nascent but steadily developing multiparty system. As the real multiparty system and political competition become stronger, the individual-independent form of popular representation will give way to the party mandate of popular trust until the institution of “independent” single-member deputies becomes a thing of the past, not only in the State Duma, but also in the legislative (representative) bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. “Independent-individual” national representation is more preferably for the local government, that is non-partisan national representation (in the general federal sense). By its constitutional and legal nature, the municipal popular representation is “independent and individual” in relation to political parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 54-60
Author(s):  
Aleksey S. Koshel ◽  

The new powers of the Russian Parliament in accordance with the Amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of March 14, 2020 No. 1-FKZ “On improving the regulation of certain issues of the organization and functioning of public power” entrust the Parliament with additional responsibility for observing the rights and interests of the opposition. The concentration of political discussions from the street within the walls of the parliament should be the most important task of improving the legislation of the Russian Federation on parliamentary procedures, including with regard to the opposition, which clearly expresses the principles of multi-party system and political pluralism in the Russian parliament. The article analyzes the status of the opposition under Russian and foreign law, the powers of the opposition and the procedure for their implementation, the ability of the opposition to really influence the decisions made by the parliament, including the initiative to consider them (as in the case of the parliamentary investigation). The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to improve the status of the opposition in the Russian Federation, taking into account foreign experience.


Author(s):  
S.  L. Chepel

The article analyses the dynamics of electoral volatility in the parliamentary electoral cycles in the years of 2007–2011 and 2011–2016 and its influences on the development of the party system in the Russian Federation. The regions of the Central federal district were chosen to exemplify this process. The author considers the specific impact of the economic and cultural factors on Russian voters’ changing party preferences. The author stressed that the values of survival that prevail in public mass consciences induce citizens to keep up widespread support of the country’s most influential political power, the United Russia party, even in the conditions when the social-economic situation deteriorates. The author concluded that in these circumstances, the United Russia party succeeds in maintaining control over the parliamentary majority due to the 2021 elections to the State Duma So no changes in the party system of the Russian Federation should be expected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
O. V. Bakhlova ◽  
I. V. Bakhlov ◽  
E. G. Ulyasckina

Introduction. The Union State of Belarus and Russia is one of the privileged integration formats for the Russian Federation. However the Union State and the participating countries are under pressure caused by internal and external challenges including those rooted in the political dimension. The lack of the union-level political community and the weak institutionalization of public support for the Russian-Belarusian integration increase their danger. The purpose of this article is to identify the specifics of the perception of the Union State by the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus as an integration format taking into account the key vectors of the state integration policy articulated by them.Materials and methods. The main research methods include comparison, traditional and formal­ized study of documents. The research is based on the program texts of the political parties of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus – their of­ficial programs and charters, election documents, as well as their party websites and mass media.The results of the research. The analysis of these materials made it possible to characterize the dominants and constants of the party discourse in Russia and Belarus, to show the similar and distinc­tive features in it. The major issues concerning the integration policy,recorded in party documents are shown. Special attention is paid to the parties rep­resented in the national parliaments as having the greatest legal opportunities to influence the adop­tion of integration decisions. Almost all of these parties can be considered as pro-integration ones. At the same time, the limited political functionality of the parties in both countries and the lack of posi­tions on issues of integration policy and prospects for the development of Russian-Belarusian integra­tion elaborated in detail in the party programs are emphasized. The interest in the Union State in the party programs as a whole is inferior to the interest in the Eurasian integration.Discussion and conclusions. The necessity of increasing the political functionality of Russian and Belarusian parties as agents of union construc­tion is substantiated. The mechanisms of the federal and regional levels that allow Russian parties to become more active in this capacity are articulated. The trends in the evolution of the party system of the Republic of Belarus are revealed, which allow us to predict a relative improvement in the prospects for creating new pro-integration parties and promot­ing inter-party diplomacy with the participation of the leading parties of the Russian Federation in line with the public diplomacy of the Union State.


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