RUSSIA AND PHENOMENON OF POST-SOVIET AND POST-SOCIALIST STATES IN THE STRUGGLE OF VALUES AND THE CHOICE OF ALTERNATIVES

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
K.V. STAROSTENKO ◽  

The purpose of the article is to reveal the definition of "political provincialism" and to analyze the phenomenon of post-Soviet states in the choice of their values. The article consists of three parts, which reflect the appeal to such concepts as "sovereignty", "political provincialism", "traumatic past" and "resentment", which are actively used in modern political discourse. In the first part, the researcher examines the theoretical aspects of the concept of "sovereignty" in the interaction of different types of states. The author comes to the conclusion that sovereignty continues to be the value that allows the state at any time to realize its inherent functions. The second part of the article reveals the definition of "political provincialism" and analyzes the phenomenon of post-Soviet states. The methods and mechanisms of political provincialism used for self-affirmation and consolidation of new "sovereign communities" in the post-Soviet space are analyzed. The third part is devoted to an examination of the political practices of post-Soviet and post-socialist states in interaction with Russia, the main of which are the traumatic past and resentment. The author notes that the identification of the “Russian” with the discredited “Soviet” allows the current leadership of these countries to form a stable image of the “enemy” among the population, to present Russia as the culprit of all failures. At the same time, in order to receive political and economic preferences from the West, politicians of many states of the post-Soviet space and Eastern Europe are actively using elements of resentment and a traumatic past. All of this ultimately has a very negative impact on the relationship between Russia and Western countries.

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Michael O. Slobodchikoff

This article investigates how states can begin to cooperate and form bilateral relationships given severe barriers to cooperation. Certain issues can prevent cooperation from occurring despite strategic interests in doing so by both states. However, if states agree to use the institutional design feature of territorial or issue neutralization, then conflict can be averted even if some of the major hindrances to cooperation remains unresolved. I examine in greater detail how both territorial and issue neutralization are used as institutional designs feature in building a cooperative bilateral relationship. Through two major case studies, the self-imposed territorial neutralization of Finland in its relations with the Soviet Union as well as issue neutralization in the relationship between Russia and Ukraine following the collapse of the Soviet Union, I am able to show that territorial and issue neutralization may be effective tools for resolving conflict in the post-Soviet space and could create cooperative relationships instead of conflictual ones.


2020 ◽  

The authors of the book analyze domestic political processes and international relations in the post-Soviet space. They examine the balance of political forces in Belarus after the presidential elections in August 2020, and transformations of political systems in Ukraine and Moldova. The main features of formation of the political institutions in the countries of South Caucasus and Central Asia and the latest trends in their devel-opment are analyzed. Attention is paid to the Karabakh and Donbass conflicts. The book examines the policy of major non-regional actors (USA, EU, China, Turkey) in the post-Soviet space. The results of develop-ment of the EAEU have been summed up. The role in the political processes in the post-Soviet space of a number of international organizations and associations (the CIS, the Union State of Russia and Belarus, the CSTO etc.) is revealed.


Author(s):  
Konstantin E. Meshcheryakov ◽  

The article investigates the evolution of the Russian-Uzbekistani relations in the last years of the presidency of Islam Karimov (2012–2016). Based on a wide range of official sources and periodicals, it identifies the main trends, achievements and issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, trade, economic and humanitarian spheres. It determines the factors that influenced the interaction between Moscow and Tashkent, and pays a particular attention to the role of the presidents of the two states in the development and strength- ening of their cooperation. The author concludes that throughout the period under review the Rus- sian-Uzbekistani relations faced serious challenges. They were remarkably conflicting, unpredictable, inconsistent, and quite turbulent, what provoked the discussions about the correspondence of their real political condition to their high legal status (in 2004, Russia and Uzbekistan became strategic part- ners, and in 2005, allied states). Nevertheless, the two countries overcame most of their differences and took a course towards the further expansion and deep- ening, as well as modernization of their relations. As a result, at present Uzbeki- stan remains one of the most important Russia’s partners not only in Central Asia, but throughout the post-Soviet space, as well as within the framework of the leading international organizations.


Author(s):  
Elena Stetsko

The сhapter studies the relationship between the development of integration processes and the development of civil society in the post-Soviet space and, in particular, in the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. It consists of five parts. The introduction presents the main trends and vectors of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. The first part considers the concept of “civil society” and its features in Western and Russian political thought. The second part highlights the features of building a civil society in the independent states of the EAEU. General points and differences in the emerging civil societies of the EAEU countries are revealed. Further, in the fourth part, the “Eurasian idea” is considered in terms of its compatibility with the peculiarities of the development of civil society in the post-Soviet space. The final part proposes a discussion topic on the possibility of political integration within the EAEU.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-202
Author(s):  
M. M. Nurtazin

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow’s foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan’s participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels. 


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
Michael Nagenborg

In this paper I will argue that artificial moral agents (AMAs) are a fitting subject of intercultural information ethics because of the impact they may have on the relationship between information rich and information poor countries. I will give a limiting definition of AMAs first, and discuss two different types of AMAs with different implications from an intercultural perspective. While AMAs following preset rules might raise con-cerns about digital imperialism, AMAs being able to adjust to their user‘s behavior will lead us to the question what makes an AMA ?moral?? I will argue that this question does present a good starting point for an inter-cultural dialogue which might be helpful to overcome the notion of Africa as a mere victim.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34
Author(s):  
Jehad Alaysa ◽  
Hussam Musa

AbstractThe aim of this research is examining governmental turnover and its impact on the sustainability of public policy in the Palestinian context. We argue that the absence of a clear political program of governments and the absence of clear rules in professional and independent civil service allows Palestinian ministers to politicize the ministries they run, in addition to imposing their personal visions on different administrative levels, which makes the frequent turnover of governments and ministerial faces a challenge to the administrative level’s capability to create and implement sustainable public policies. We examined and compared through in-depth interviews the relationship between the political dimension of government formation and its surrounding considerations with the administrative executive dimension in Palestinian conditions. We concluded that professionals from most ministries think that frequent ministerial turnover usually has a negative impact on the sustainability of public policy while only respondents from three ministries stated that turnover could have a positive impact.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
E. L. Moreva

The importance of the research lies in crucial significance of atomic industry ecological effects for people vital functions that can greatly restrict the sector’s development. Overcoming unfavorable atomic industry environmental impact is often seen in a way of technical technological development when it is possible to prevent, mitigate and/or neutralize the negative effects from its operating. But this is just part of the solution. The subject of this research addresses the ecological impact of atomic operations on the economic activity of the atomic industry enterprises in the post-soviet space and on the ways of optimizing their productive institutional construction at different levels of trans-border regions.The purpose of the work is to define the meaning of negative impact anticipating for the growth and development of the atomic industry while implementing innovative projects of local / national levels; participating in international competition and interaction for integration on the post-soviet space.It is concluded that inventory-making has crucial importance for atomic industry development. At the local/national level within two-side contacts it is expressed in stimulating the subjects of the industry to transform and perfect by national stakeholders and foreign competitors. At the level of trans-border connections such influence has not become the basis for productive integration interaction and atomic complex development because of the specificity of their subjects’ interests. The adequate inventory-making in institutional construction could allow using the possible ecological impacts of atomic production for their development and consolidating as a driver of social economic development at the postsoviet space.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (7(76)) ◽  
pp. 14-17
Author(s):  
Gunel Aliyeva-Mammadova

In the 90th years XX century conditions of the new world order, after the collapse of the USSR, the formation of new independent states in the post-Soviet space, conflicts appeared (the Ossetia-Ingush conflict, the Chechen war, the Upper-Karabakh war, etc.), which negatively affected the political and economic situation of these countries. Among these conflicts, on its scale, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict occupies a special place, is not only regional; it can turn into a world conflict at any moment and therefore is explosive.


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