scholarly journals EDUCAÇÃO E SEGURANÇA NACIONAL NO CONTEXTO PÓS 1964

Author(s):  
Renê José Trentin Silveira

O presente artigo tem por objetivo explicitar e analisar a influência da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, principal suporte ideológico do golpe civilmilitar de 1964, nas reformulações implementadas pelo Estado brasileiro na educação nacional, particularmente através da reforma do ensino de Primeiro e Segundo Graus, promovida pela Lei 5692/71, e da reforma universitária. Espera-se demonstrar que tais reformulações visavam, sobretudo, a adequar o sistema de ensino ao modelo econômico e político implantando naquele período, a fim de transformá-lo em instrumento de promoção da segurança e do desenvolvimento do país nos moldes apregoados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento.This article has the objective of explicating and analyzing the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, main ideological support of the civilmilitary coup of 1964, in the reforms implemented by the Brazilian Government on national education, particularly through the reform of elementary and high schools promoted by the Law 5.692/71 and the University reform. It hopes to show that such reforms aimed, above all, to adapt the education system to the economical and political model of that period, aiming to transform it into a promotional instrument for the country’s security and development, in the molds set by the National Security and Development Doctrine.

Author(s):  
Renê José Trentin Silveira

O presente artigo tem por objetivo explicitar e analisar a influência da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, principal suporte ideológico do golpe civilmilitar de 1964, nas reformulações implementadas pelo Estado brasileiro na educação nacional, particularmente através da reforma do ensino de Primeiro e Segundo Graus, promovida pela Lei 5692/71, e da reforma universitária. Espera-se demonstrar que tais reformulações visavam, sobretudo, a adequar o sistema de ensino ao modelo econômico e político implantando naquele período, a fim de transformá-lo em instrumento de promoção da segurança e do desenvolvimento do país nos moldes apregoados pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento.This article has the objective of explicating and analyzing the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, main ideological support of the civilmilitary coup of 1964, in the reforms implemented by the Brazilian Government on national education, particularly through the reform of elementary and high schools promoted by the Law 5.692/71 and the University reform. It hopes to show that such reforms aimed, above all, to adapt the education system to the economical and political model of that period, aiming to transform it into a promotional instrument for the country’s security and development, in the molds set by the National Security and Development Doctrine.


Author(s):  
Derrick E. White

This chapter chronicles Gaither’s last season as head coach at FAMU. The highlight was FAMU’s first game against a PWI when it defeated the University of Tampa. Additionally, Gaither won his 200th game of his career, making him one of the winningest coaches in college football history. Off the field, 1969 was the last year of segregated high schools in Florida. The federal government ordered the end of the dual education system. The closing of black high schools, and the subsequent firing of teachers and coaches, removed a vital cog of FAMU’s sporting congregation.


Author(s):  
Suprapto Suprapto

Law Number 20/2003 regarding National Education System illustrates that every student in every educational unit is entitled to accept religious education according to the belief/faith they follow that will be given by those teachers with the same belief/ faith. Therefore, religious education is one compulsory component of so many curriculum components taught to the students in order to achieve the objective of national education. Hence, any of religious educational institutions, both state and private, are obliged to make available religion teachers as per the religion followed by the respective students. The results of 2006 research indicates that: a) distribution of religion teachers in SMPs was distributed relatively evenly in both state andptivate junior high schools (SMPs); b) coordination between schools/ foun­dations, and City/Regency Educational Affairs Offices and Religious Affairs Offices, in fulfilling the need of religious education in both state and private SMPs, was not maximal; c) of SMP schools, if there were less than 10 students of any religion existed in any classroom, they would participate in their religious activities outside the school; d) there were still lacks of religious educational teachers both in state and private SMPs; e) insufficient finances to pay honorarium of the teachers; and J) unequal number of appointed teachers compared to real requirement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Tonny Pongoh ◽  
Henry Soelistyo Budi ◽  
Bintan R. Saragih

<p><span>The legal status of polytechnic has been fundamentally changed from time to time. After the Law of National Education System Number 20/2003 and the Law of Higher Education Number 12/2012 came into effect, the polytechnic has been granted a new legal status that offers more diverse programs at various levels. Since then, polytechnic could conduct vocational diploma programs and degree programs in applied sciences from graduate to postgraduate. This legal status raises legal problems whether polytechnic is a higher education institution in vocational or applied sciences. Best education practices in some countries classify applied sciences higher education as academic education, not vocational education. This doctrinal research paper then will examine this legal problem using statute, historical and comparative approach, in the light of the Development Legal Theory. This study shows that the legal status of polytechnic is heavily dependent on government policy. In the absence of a clear and firm ground policy of vocational education, the legal status of the polytechnic has been interpreted differently from time to time. The government ought to reset the vocational education policy and then reform the law of the national education system. Therefore, the legal status of the polytechnic will be more sustainable and have better legal certainty accordingly. Regarding the recent development of higher education, it will be better if the government constitutes polytechnic as a higher education institution in applied sciences.</span></p>


Author(s):  
Nunu Ahmad An-Nahidl

The reposition of madrasah becomes public school according to the law number 20/2003 on national education system is assumed giving some serious implications, especially dealing with achieving idealism has to be reached by madrasah, which is developed based on vision and mission of madrasah as Islamic education institution. madrasah should be constantly opened to its internal values, personal, character, need, and also strengths, and weaknesses. because madrasah was historically developed from the previous Islamic education institution, i.e. pesantren. so, madrasah should keep on in vision and mission of pesantren, i.e. tafaqquh fiddin.


2012 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-88
Author(s):  
Henrik Yde

Til Nordmænd om en Norsk Høi-Skole. En indledning[To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School. An Introduction]By Henrik YdeTo the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School (1837) is the second of Grundtvig’s major writings on people’s high schools or national high schools. It is also the only one aimed at a non-Danish public. And whereas his other writings on this subject did not catch much attention in Denmark when published, To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School immediately stirred up a fierce debate in Norway.In 1832—after the liberal revolutions in Paris and elsewhere—Grundtvig clearly stated that he was “no friend of parliaments” but preferred absolute monarchy. However, as parliaments did exist, Grundtvig was of the opinion that the voters as well as the members of parliaments ought to receive national education in their vernacular languages in order to gain sense and knowledge about the common good of their respective nations.When addressing the Norwegians, Grundtvig had to take into account that the Norwegian constitution from 1814 was one of the most liberal of all European constitutions. The Norwegian parliament—the Storting—actually had legislative authority and had shown itself to be strong enough to oppose the Swedish-Norwegian king. This was not the case in Denmark, where provisional advisory assemblies—praised by Grundtvig—had been established in 1831 largely to ward off demands for a constitutional monarchy. However, in To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School, Grundtvig deliberately avoids a direct address to the Storting. He chooses not to talk about the need for national education for the members of the Norwegian parliament. This omission is probably due to the fact that while some of Grundtvig’s Norwegian followers were liberals, some were conservatives: thus, it was crucial for him not to be accused of taking sides in Norwegian politics. Instead, he makes a more general claim about a national education in the mother tongue where the students should learn about the common good of the nation. He hardly mentions the Storting.However, when speaking of education in the mother tongue, Grundtvig entered another area of high tension, namely that of the use of the classical language of Latin at the University of Christiania (Oslo) and in the Norwegian upper secondary schools, the ‘Latin schools’. And though Grundtvig’s conservative Norwegian friends did not share his hatred of Latin, here he did not hesitate to stress the need for a higher national education in the vernacular language.The reaction was immediate: A week before the official release of To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School (on July 29th 1837) the conservative paper Den Constitutionelle (The Constitutionalist) strongly attacked Grundtvig, claiming that his idea of national education was subversive and socialist and also that it was contradictory to his former biblical fundamentalism.These arguments were immediately refuted by the liberal Morgenbladet (The Morning Daily), in which the critic totally agreed with Grundtvig to an extent not even uttered in To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School itself: that a national high school using the mother tongue would be an excellent means for educating the members of the Storting, especially those who had not attended the ‘Latin school’ in their youth.One specific paper did not react in the first round of the debate: Statsborgeren (The Nationalf), a radical liberal and national paper, edited by the writer Henrik Wergeland. He and Grundtvig had very similar ideas about a number of issues including the enlightenment of the people. However, no dialogue was possible: Wergeland was a liberal applauding the ideals of The French Revolution, Grundtvig was a conservative anti-rationalist. Furthermore Wergeland still remembered that his father Nicolai had had a fierce fight with Grundtvig in the years 1811-16 over Denmark’s political and economic relationship to Norway through the centuries, as being either imperialistic (N. Wergeland’s claim) or altruistic (Grundtvig’s claim). Later, in the debate about To the Norwegians concerning a Norwegian High School, Wergeland attacked Grundtvig along with his Norwegian followers, claiming that Grundtvig was ignorant in the matter of science and a megalomaniac as a person.Thus with the exception of Morgenbladet, the premise of Grundtvig’s booklet was not well understood. Instead, it was considered to be a comment on the standing debate in Norway over the use of Latin at the university and in the upper secondary school.On the sidelines, though, some of Grundtvig’s closest followers in Norway, the wealthy Solem-family, continued to work on their own initiative and with their own money to bring about a Grundtvigian national high school. However, the conditions for this were not yet favourable, either in Norway or in Denmark, and the first Norwegian people’s high school only opened in 1864.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (9) ◽  
pp. 167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryanto Maryanto ◽  
Nor Khoiriyah ◽  
Supriyono Purwo Saputro

The curriculum is one component of education which is very important. It acts as a guide that program implementers use in real learning process. Dynamically, curriculum always change in order to lead to the improvement of the education system. On the subjects of Pancasila and Citizenship Education in schools for example, has undergone several changes in the curriculum, both in charge of its content and on its nomenclature, this change is needed in order to create a future generation that had Pancasila character embedded on their heart as stated in national education goals. However, in the process of Pancasila and Citizenship Education's curriculum change, it is undeniable that it is influenced by the current Law Politics as politics is what makes the rules. But what exactly is the influences of the law politics on Indonesia’s Pancasila and Citizenship Education Curriculum Revitalization Of 2013?. The studies conducteed on how the Law politics influence the revitalization of Pancasila and Citizenship Education curriculum showed that (1) the Directions of Pancasila and Citizenship Education curriculum revitalization in Indonesia leads to; (2) The basic foundation establishment and implementation of the curriculum in 2013's Pancasila and Citizenship Education subject (3) the Products of Pancasila and Citizenship Education curriculum revitalization in Indonesia. The result that is a model of a good Pancasila and Citizenship Education curriculum revitalization should be implemented, monitoring and evaluation needs to be done to determine the level of achievement and expected results. Monitoring and evaluation results will serve as a recommendation to develop and or improve curriculum that will come.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2009
Author(s):  
The Hon. Edmond P. Blanchard

I am very pleased to have been invited to the University of Alberta to participate in a collec- tive reflection and debate on “National Security, the Law, and the Federal Courts.” As you are all aware, issues of national security have taken on new life since the inception of the war on terror, but what you may not be aware of is the com- plexities inherent in adjudicating these issues within the context of a democratic and rights- oriented society. I will do my best to give you a sense of the kinds of issues that come before the Federal Court in this regard, and how national security considerations raised therein must be balanced against the rights of citizens.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asrizal Saiin

The background of this article is to look at the current phenomenon of public understanding, particularly regarding today’s students’ generation who has begun to forget Pancasila values. Moral degradation of current the generation becomes a big problem in this nation, comparable to corruption, robbery, murder, until the problem of repression and violence for the sake of religion. Because of such reason, there is a need to renew and reinvestthe values of Pancasila in school institutions. This research normative legal research, namely research that employs secondary data obtained through the literature study. As stipulated in the Law No. 20 of 2003 about National Education System, particularly in regard to the elaboration of Article 37 paragraph (1) that education is meant to form the students to become a religious human being, kind-hearted and having a good ethic. The author tries to give a new color to the national education system about the valuesof Pancasila that should be actualized in the development of national education. The solution is to re-actualize the values of Pancasila. Indonesia national education should be re-motivated on the basis of Pancasila ideology, both as a state’s ideology and as the personality of the nation.Keywords: Reactualisation, Pancasila Values, National Education System.IntisariLatar belakang artikel ini adalah melihat fenomena sekarang bahwa pemahaman masyarakat umum khususnya generasi pelajar saat ini sudah mulai lupa dengan nilainilai Pancasila. Degradasi moral generasi zaman sekarang menjadi persoalan besar bangsa ini, seperti korupsi, perampokan, pembunuhan, bahkan sampai pada masalah kekerasan dan penindasan atas nama agama. Berawal dari hal demikian, perlu adanya pembaharuan penanaman kembali nilai-nilai Pancasila di instansi sekolah. Penelitianini merupakan penelitian hukum normative, yaitu penelitian terhadap data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi pustaka. Sebagaimana tertuang di dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2003 tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional, terutama penjelasan Pasal 37 ayat (1) bahwa pendidikan dimaksudkan untuk membentuk peserta didik menjadi manusia beriman, bertakwa dan berbudi pekerti yang baik. Dari sini penulis berusaha untuk memberikan warna baru dalam sistem pendidikan nasional tentang nilainilai Pancasila yang seharusnya diaktualisasikan dalam pengembangan pendidikan nasional. Solusinya adalah mengaktualisasikan kembali nilai-nilai Pancasila. Pendidikan nasional Indonesia hendaknya harus diberi motivasi kembali atas dasar ideologis Pancasila, baik secara ideologi negara maupun kepribadian bangsa.Kata kunci: Reaktualisasi, Nilai-nilai Pancasila, Sistem Pendidikan Nasional.


MELINTAS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-158
Author(s):  
R. F. Bhanu Viktorahadi

Renouncing the reality of plurality and multiculturality can provoke religious violence and social conflicts. The emergence of violence might have been one of the consequences of the deteriorating role of education, particularly the religious education, in the society. As part of the national education system in Indonesia, religious education bears on its shoulders the responsibility to propagate the values of plurality and multiculturality. It also disseminates other related values such as inclusiveness and tolerance, which are of paramount significance in building a society characterised by peace, harmony, solidarity, and respect to people of different cultures and religions. It is therefore an important role of Islamic Religious Education and Catholic Religious Education in Indonesia to cultivate ways of thinking that support plurality and multiculturality. This article analyses degrees of integration of plurality and multiculturality understanding in the 2013 curricula of Islamic Religious Education and Catholic Religious Education in high schools. The students’ better understanding of plurality and multiculturality can help them promote the above mentioned values as part of God-given reality in the society.


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