scholarly journals Nationalism and National Self-Assertion in the People's Republic of China: State Patriotism versus Popular Nationalism?

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 45-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Deans
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
Popular Nationalism ◽  
Party State ◽  
Over Time

Nationalism and national self-assertion have been core values of the Chinese Communist Party throughout its history and also represent a key narrative of Chinese history in the 20th century, although the social bases from which the nationalism derives and the manner in which this nationalism is expressed have changed over time. From the 1990s onwards, the party-state's prefferred discourse on nationalism has been couched in terms of patriotism, while a popular nationalism has emerged, which at times goes beyond and challenges that of the party-state. The implications of this are addressed in the present paper wiht regard to the PRC's relations with Taiwan and Japan and with regard to the debate on ideology and Asian Values. It is argued that rising popular nationalism increasingly challenges state autonomy in the first two areas, but tends to be supportive of the state with regard to the third.

scholarly journals Workers, the Intelligentsia and Marxist Parties: St Petersburg, 1895–1917 and Shanghai, 1921–1927

1996 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Social Position ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
Party State ◽  
Contextual Differences

SummaryThe article investigates relations between workers and intellectuals in the pre-revolutionary Bolshevik Party in St Petersburg and the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai. It commences with a background examination of the social position and traditions of the intelligentsia in each country and the emergence of a stratum of so-called “conscious” workers. The position of workers in each party is then analysed, especially with respect to leadership, and the nature of tensions between workers and intellectuals explored. The investigation demonstrates that workers acquiesced in their subordination to a greater degree in Shanghai than in St Petersburg, and this and other differences are traced back to historical and cultural context. In conclusion, the implications of contextual differences are explored in order to suggest why the intelligentsia in the People's Republic of China (PRC) attracted greater odium from the party-state than its counterpart in the Soviet Union.

Deconstructing the Construction of the Party-State: Gulin County in the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region

1994 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 1052-1079 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph W. Esherick
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Literature ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
World History ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Chinese Revolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Peasant Revolution ◽  
Party State

It used to be a truism that 20th-century China witnessed one of the great peasant revolutions of world history. The Chinese Communist Party built a popular base in the countryside, and eventually a massive army of peasant soldiers surrounded the cities and drove the urban-based Kuomintang from the Mainland. In the comparative literature, the Chinese revolution was classified as a peasant revolution, and a number of important studies sought to explain the social origins of that phenomenon.

The Civil Governance of Death: The Making of Chinese Political Subjects at the End of Life

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Huwy-Min Lucia Liu
Keyword(s):  
End Of Life ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Funerary Rituals ◽  
Chinese State ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Party State

This article discusses how the Chinese Communist Party governed death in Shanghai during the first half of the People's Republic of China. It examines how officials nationalized funeral institutions, promoted cremation, and transformed what they believed to be the unproductivity of the funeral industry into productivity (by raising pigs in cemeteries, for instance). I show how each of these policies eliminated possible sources of identity that were prevalent in conceptualizing who the dead were and what their relationships with the living could be. Specifically, in addition to the construction of socialist workers, the state worked to remove cosmopolitan, associational, religious, and relational ideas of self. By modifying funerary rituals and ways of interment, the Chinese state aimed to produce individualized and undifferentiated political subjects directly tied to the party-state. The civil governance of death aimed to produce citizen-subjects at the end of life.

Entre désécularisation et resacralisation: Bouddhistes laïcs, temples et organisations philanthropiques en Chine

2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Laliberté
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Social Utility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Party State

The author looks into the revival of Buddhist philanthropy in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the last decade. It seeks to tackle the wider question of the social utility of religion in the eyes of the political authorities and to assess the extent to which recent debates on secularization theory may be relevant to the Chinese situation. The emergence of Buddhist philanthropy is coinciding with considerable changes in political, economic and social conditions, characterized by state disengagement from the provision of social services. The author describes various organizations offering assistance to the poor, as well as certain services related to healthcare and education. Yet this rise in Buddhist philanthropy should not be seen as evidence of a “resacralization” process in China because the communist Party-State continues its policy of manifest secularization.

Public Nomination and Direct Election in China

Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 484-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen-Hsuan Tsai ◽  
Peng-Hsiang Kao
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
State System ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Party State

Abstract This research takes the case of Public Nomination and Direct Election, currently being rolled out in the People's Republic of China, to explain the function of elections in China. We believe that the goal of implementing this election system is to increase the governing ability of the Chinese Communist Party, thus sustaining the survival of the party-state system.

The New Normal

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-58
Author(s):  
Jeremy Wallace
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
New Normal ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party State

Since 2012, politics in the People’s Republic of China has been remade. Both institutional and rhetorical changes characterize this neopolitical “new normal,” which coincides with Xi Jinping’s rise to the top of the party-state hierarchy. But these changes extend well beyond Xi himself. Political authority has been centralized and folded back into the Chinese Communist Party, while complaints, self-criticisms, and confessions have begun to air publicly. Repression and humiliation have been used against critics as wide-ranging as Hong Kong booksellers, feminist activists, and rights lawyers, among others. Most ominously, the government has embarked on a massive detention and reeducation scheme in Xinjiang, with the number of those interned estimated to be in the hundreds of thousands or even surpassing a million. This chapter investigates China’s neopolitical turn—its limits, sources, and implications.

Chinese Communist Attitudes Towards Buddhism in Chinese History

1965 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Kenneth Chen
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Red Flag ◽  
Communist Attitude ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

In the journal Hsien-tai Fo-hsueh (Modern Buddhism), September 1959, there appeared a long article entitled “Lun Tsung-chiao Hsin-yang Tzu-yu” (“A Discussion Concerning Freedom of Religious Belief”), by Ya Han-chang, which was originally published in the official Communist ideological journal Hung Ch'i (Red Flag), 1959, No. 14. Appearing as it did in Red Flag it is justifiable to conclude that the views expressed in it represented the accepted Communist attitude toward religion. In this article, Ya wrote that the basic policy of the Chinese Communist Party and the People's Republic of China is to “recognise that everyone has the freedom to believe in a religion, and also that everyone has the freedom not to believe in a religion.”

scholarly journals El discurso oficial de la clase media china: ansiedad, nacionalismo y populismo / The Official Discourse of the Chinese Middle Class: Anxiety, Nationalism and Populism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfonso Sánchez-Romera
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Digital Version ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
The Media ◽  
Class Anxiety ◽  
Party State ◽  
Class Discourse

The media have played a key role in the dissemination of an official middle-class discourse that emerged in the People’s Republic of China two decades ago. The emergence and construction of a middle-class discourse in China will be analysed through news items published in Renmin Wang (People’s Daily Online), the digital version of the official newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), in order to answer the question: why does the CCP promote an official middle-class discourse in China? The findings suggest that the Party-State legitimises its authority by taking different stances based on a populist nationalism that fosters a new identity consistent with neoliberal values, which goes hand in hand with the discourse of the middle class.

China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution. By Michael E. Marti. [Washington, DC: Brassey's, 2002. xviii+265 pp. $27.95. ISBN 1-57488-416-6.]

2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1065-1103
Author(s):  
David S. G. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The State ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Deng Xiaoping ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Third ◽  
Communist Revolution

In retrospect, 1991–1992 may well prove to be a pivotal period in the evolution of the People's Republic of China. The reform era ushered in by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the Third Plenum of its 11th Central Committee in December 1978 had dramatically restructured the economy and the state, but in the aftermath of the events of June 1989, it appeared to falter. Partly through reactions from outside China, and partly because of resistance within (including elements within the leadership of the Party), the programme of ‘reform and openness’ seemed challenged and about to topple.

scholarly journals Taniec w kajdanach: chińska cenzura filmowa w latach 1949–1966

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Oskar Gruszczyński
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Film ◽  
Full Control ◽  
Film Censorship ◽  
Party State

Dancing in chains: Chinese film censorship, 1949–1966 After the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and the subsequent nationalization of the domestic film industry three years later, the Chinese Communist Party gained unlimited control over the entire Chinese film world, while film itself became an instrument of state propaganda. In order to fulfill their role ‘in the service of workers, peasants, and soldiers’, filmmakers had to abide strictly by the requirements which the CPC had imposed upon them, and subject themselves to a rigorous film censorship system. Artistic independence and freedom were subject to the political needs of a one-party state and its ideology. The establishment of a full-fledged and extremely complex institutional censorship system in 1953 resulted in the emergence of two distinct phenomena: self-censorship and social censorship. Both of these made it possible for the CPC to gain full control not only over the film industry, but also, in certain aspects, over the minds of filmmakers as well as the audiences. This article aims at revealing the mechanisms of the Chinese censorship system in the period stretching from 1949 to 1966, and to elucidate the disastrous effects which these exceedingly rigorous control mechanisms brought upon the Chinese film industry in general in this turbulent era

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