scholarly journals 100 Years after Suffrage: Just How Far Have Women Come?

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Laura Wilson

Women earned the right to vote 100 years ago with the ratification of the 19th Amendment, effectively ending the suffrage movement that had transpired over generations. Their hard-won victory doubled the American electorate and provided women with an essential right of citizenship of which they had long been deprived. Not all women were welcomed at the polling place, though, and the exclusion of women of color, particularly in the Jim Crow South, revealed yet another barrier to eventually be struck down. In the 100 years since women earned their right to vote, they have begun “outvoting” their male counterparts and emerged as candidates for office in every branch and at every level of government. Despite great success, women are still underrepresented in public office, however. This article examines the role of women in politics from the decades prior to suffrage to the months leading up to the 2020 election and reminds us that although women have made tremendous strides, there is still a long way to go.

Author(s):  
Joan Marie Johnson

Chapter 1 examines how suffragists recruited wealthy women to the woman suffrage movement, who these donors were, and why they decided to give their money—and sometimes their time—to fight for political equality. This chapter argues that focusing on their feminism highlights a strand of suffragism that called for gender equality rather than emphasized maternalism, the belief that women as mothers (or potential mothers) had the right and the duty to vote in order to protect children and clean up government. Having experienced both the power of money and its limitations influenced the way women linked economic independence and political equality, which they believed were necessary whether one earned wages in a factory, was a professional with a college degree, or inherited a large fortune. Susan B. Anthony had understood that their donations were necessary, and Alva Belmont and Katharine McCormick gave donations essential to winning the right to vote for women.


Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-622
Author(s):  
Sunu Kodumthara

AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.


Author(s):  
Olena Voskoboinikova-Huzieva

The article is sanctified to the analysis of efficiency ofrealization of вебінарів as forms of grant of educationalservice and realization publicly of important projects on theexample of activity of the Allukrainian public association the “Ukrainian library association”. An association develops continuous education, both inunderstanding of in-plant training of specialists of library-informative sphere and conducts the educational measuresoriented to the actual for the different categories of usersthemes. ULA has successful experience of project activity, together with British Advice in Ukraine participates in a project the “Active citizens”, is the performer of project “Culture of academic respectability: role of libraries” that are the constituent of general project of Assistance to academic respectability in Ukraine, that he will be realized by American advices from education at participation of Department of education and science of Ukraine and at support of Embassy of the USA in Ukraine. An author is carry out the review of various professionally andpublicly oriented, that will realize ULA, in particularsuch as a “e-book in a library” or cycle of webinar on aproject “Culture of academic respectability: role of libraries”. A basic accent is done on the analysis of cycle of webinar, that took place within the limits of realization of the project "Library and electoral process: teach librarians and electors of constitutional rights" (2014 - 2015). A project envisaged realization trainers main and regional тренінгових centers for librarians in every area of Ukraine of cycle from six webinar, that were oriented to the studies of citizens of Ukraine more effectively to realize the right to vote. In basis of webinar the operating by then normatively-legislative base of Ukraine was fixed in relation to elections. On statistics of project to such studies the over 5 thousand citizens of Ukraine became familiar with different age. Until now a videoarchive of webinar is accessible on youtube channel ULA. An author is offer recommendations for the interestedestablishments and organizations in realization of scaleallukrainian projects, where one of facilities of communicationand realization of project webinar comes forward. Recommendations take into account an organizational and methodical constituent, it is marked on the necessity of presence in organization of infrastructure and experience of successful partner project activity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL STRAUSZ

AbstractGranting foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan was one of the Clean Government Party (CGP)'s major policy priorities during its 11 years governing in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). While the CGP proposed several bills that would have done this, none of those bills came close to passing. Why not? Conventional wisdom about Japanese conservatism suggests that the LDP would not support such a bill because the party is uniformly committed to the idea that Japan is a one-ethnicity country, and thus the party is hostile to proposals that would grant those without Japanese ethnicity a role in Japanese society. However, I argue that Japanese conservatives in general, and LDP politicians in particular, have major disagreements about the appropriate role of foreign residents in Japanese society. Moreover, I argue that LDP politicians did not support the CGP's proposal to grant foreign permanent residents the right to vote in local elections in Japan because this proposal did not appeal to politicians from either of the dominant conservative schools of thought about foreign residents in Japan.


Author(s):  
Celeste Montoya

One hundred years after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, the ability of women—all women—to effectively exercise the right to vote is far from guaranteed. This chapter provides a broad overview of women’s voting rights that emphasizes the intersections of gender and race starting with the woman’s suffrage movement of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and moving to the recent attacks on voting rights and the potential intersectional implications they might have. This analysis takes what are often treated as two separate narratives of voting rights, one about gender and the other about race, and identifies the intersectional interventions that have or might be made in order to create a more inclusive and continuous account of women’s voting rights.


Slavic Review ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laszlo Deme

Hungary was a feudal monarchy at the beginning of 1848 and was part of the multinational Habsburg Empire. Although Hungarian publicists continually emphasized that the country could look back to nearly a thousand years of statehood and national existence, the foreign relations and the fiscal and military affairs of Hungary were directed almost exclusively from Vienna. Internally the country was governed by the native nobility, which constituted about 5 percent of a population of approximately fifteen million. The nobility exercised its power through the Diet and elective county assemblies. Nobles alone had the right to vote. Until 1844 they alone held public office, and most of them paid no taxes. The immense majority—the peasantry—lived in feudal bondage. The taxes of the serfs maintained the state, and their dues and labor services supported the nobility.


2008 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Olsson

AbstractThat children should not have the right to vote is something that most people think of as self-evident. It is so obvious that almost none of the prominent democratic theorists have given it any serious consideration. It is a non-issue. In this paper, I question this "self-evident" view. The main reason why children are excluded from the suffrage is that they lack political competence. By reviewing the research on political knowledge among voters, however, I show that the fear of the ignorant voter has been vastly exaggerated. If democracy works well with a large number of adult voters with little or no knowledge of politics, it should also work with children voting. The article also discusses the role of parents. The idea that children should have the right to vote very much depends on whether we accept that parents can act as their children's trustees or not. My argument is that this should not be a problem. Acting through representatives is already an accepted practice in the democratic system. Parents are already considered the children's legal representatives. There is no reason why they could not be thought of as their political representatives as well.


Author(s):  
Humberto Llavador

The historical evolution of the right to vote offers three observations. First, almost all groups have seen their voting rights challenged at some point in time, and almost all political movements have sought to exclude some other group from voting. Second, reforms towards suffrage extension are varied—from the direct introduction of universal (male) suffrage to a trickle down process of enfranchising a small group at a time. Third, the history of franchise extension is a history of expansions and contractions. Much of the literature on the evolution of the right to vote builds on the following question: Why would a ruling elite decide to extend the suffrage to excluded groups who have different interests in the level of redistribution and the provision of public goods? Two competing theories dominate the debate: Bottom-up or demand theories emphasizing the role of revolutionary threats, and top-down or supply theories, explaining franchise extensions as the outcome of the strategic interactions of those in power and elites in the democratic opposition. A second question addresses the choice of a particular path of franchise extension, asking what explains different strategies and, in particular, the role of their accompanying institutional reforms. In contrast to the literature on the inclusion of the lower classes, women’s suffrage has been traditionally presented as the conquest of the suffragette movement. Current research, however, departs from this exceptionalism of female suffrage and shows certain consensus in explaining women’s suffrage as a political calculus, in which men willingly extend the franchise when they expect to benefit from it. Arguments differ though in the specific mechanisms that explain the political calculus. Finally, the literature on compulsory voting addresses the estimations of its impact on turnout; whether it translates into more efficient campaigning, improved legitimacy, and better representativity; and ultimately its effects on policies.


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