scholarly journals The World Social Forum as a sub-political space for environmental justice: The case for South African grassroots empowerment within a network society

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Llewellyn Leonard

The World Social Forum (WSF) has provided an international stage for civil society from across the globe to share ideas, strategies, tactics and struggles for creating ‘another world’ against the failures of market inequalities. It attracts more than sixty thousand people pursuing the vision of 'Another World is Possible', with the event becoming a symbol of hope for environmental, social and economic justice. How effective has the WSF been in projecting the concerns of the grassroots against inequalities produced? Should new strategies and tactics be forged amongst civil society so that this international platform becomes more meaningful for the marginalised? Through empirical work conducted at the 2011 WSF in Dakar, Senegal, supplemented with previous empirical work with civil society conducted in Durban, South Africa, this paper points to challenges that need to be addressed by civil society if ‘another world is possible.’ Although there is an urgent need for local representative and civil society to mobilise social capital and include the grassroots into discussions in future WSF gatherings, the success of such an international platform is also influenced by historical, socio-economic and political contexts within countries influencing social capital within networks. Grassroots empowerment will help build more coherent actions that reflect the needs of those most affected by inequalities

2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442094151
Author(s):  
Brandon M Finn

Partha Chatterjee’s work on postcolonial politics articulates the limits of participation and governance in contexts of stark inequality. Chatterjee’s argument can be stretched within the South African context of protest and political contestation as it demonstrates that civil and political societies are fluid, political categories. From student to shack dweller movements, political society in South Africa disrupts top-down, dichotomous notions of ‘administration’ or ‘governance’. I outline that the interactions between Chatterjee’s political and civil society overlap with one another, but importantly, that this overlap determines the broader, shifting continuum of popular sovereignty that these two fields act within. Ordinary ‘populations’ of political society are able to infiltrate the ‘sanitized walls’ of civil society, contexts in which ‘political society’ sometimes draws on the language of rights and institutions such as the courts as well as practices of mobilization and disruption. South African mobilization illustrates the usefulness of engaging with the inequalities of governance via categories of civil and political society, but also shows that these are complicated and contested fields within the country’s political and democratic framework. We cannot understand the notions of either political or civil society without contextualizing these processes within a framework that allows for the shifting continuum, and acknowledgement of the possibility of the existence of popular sovereignty. It is this broader, structural categorization, within which the forces of political and civil society fluidly interact that we need to conceptualize popular sovereignty in Chatterjee’s description of ‘most of the world.’


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sue-Mari Viljoen

Abstract It has partly been assumed that the constitutional obligation to pay compensation for expropriations is to blame for the slow pace at which land has been redistributed in South Africa. However, this assumption requires careful analysis and reflection, with reference to the imperfections of the policies and laws that set out to address landlessness, as well as the underlying theoretical approach to economic justice. This article questions the purpose for which land reform beneficiaries acquire land, with reference to the role that property should ideally fulfil for the landless. The article makes a number of observations to cast light on why the redistribution of land has been alarmingly slow, where inconsistencies and loopholes exist in the programme, and whether expropriations for nil compensation will make any difference in remedying existing failures in the redistribution programme.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Godfrey Thenga

Counterfeit goods are a health hazard to human life, environment and business. More so as the goods destroy the viability of legitimate businesses across the world. Counterfeit goods are characterized as a threat to the financial viability of legitimate businesses and has a dire impact on the tax revenue of countries, necessitating its effective and efficient policing for the financial wellbeing of countries. If not well managed, counterfeit goods could lead to unemployment, disinvestment and capital flight in countries. The available evidence reveals that even though counterfeit goods has dire consequences for the economic wellbeing of countries, its penalties in most African countries are less severe in comparison to penalties for other crimes. The sight of counterfeit goods in many places, such as on busy street corners and transportation terminals in the Southern parts of Africa, attests to its prevalence in the continent. Especially in South Africa as the country has become a transit point for contrabands. Post 1994, South Africa opened its borders to the world of branded and protected goods and this enabled rogue people to trade in counterfeit goods. Effective policing is hindered by the use of sophisticated skills and expertise that leads to counterfeit goods resembling genuine goods. Moreover, in South Africa, the problem persists despite the promulgation of the Counterfeit Goods Act 37 of 1997, thus questioning the effectiveness of the policing strategies in use to quell the problem.


Author(s):  
Fritz Nganje ◽  
Odilile Ayodele

In its foreign policy posture and ambitions, post-apartheid South Africa is like no other country on the continent, having earned the reputation of punching above its weight. Upon rejoining the international community in the mid-1990s based on a new democratic and African identity, it laid out and invested considerable material and intellectual resources in pursuing a vision of the world that was consistent with the ideals and aspirations of the indigenous anti-apartheid movement. This translated into a commitment to foreground the ideals of human rights, democratic governance, and socioeconomic justice in its foreign relations, which had been reoriented away from their Western focus during the apartheid period, to give expression to post-apartheid South Africa’s new role conception as a champion of the marginalized interests for Africa and rest of the Global South. Since the start of the 21st century, this new foreign policy orientation and its underlying principles have passed through various gradations, reflecting not only the personal idiosyncrasies of successive presidents but also changes in the domestic environment as well as lessons learned by the new crop of leaders in Pretoria, as they sought to navigate a complex and fluid continental and global environment. From a rather naive attempt to domesticate international politics by projecting its constitutional values onto the world stage during the presidency of Nelson Mandela, South Africa would be socialized into, and embrace gradually, the logic of realpolitik, even as it continued to espouse an ethical foreign policy, much to the chagrin of the detractors of the government of the African National Congress within and outside the country. With the fading away of the global liberal democratic consensus into which post-apartheid South Africa was born, coupled with a crumbling of the material and moral base that had at some point inspired a sense of South African exceptionalism, Pretoria’s irreversible march into an unashamedly pragmatic and interest-driven foreign policy posture is near complete.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
John C Mubangizi

Abstract The South African Constitution, particularly its Bill of Rights, is regarded as one of the most progressive in the world. The Ugandan Constitution, adopted around the same time as its South African counterpart, also has a Bill of Rights. Lawyers and advocacy groups in both countries have taken advantage of their constitutions to challenge the government to enforce several rights ranging from health care services, education, water and sanitation, to housing and social security, albeit at a lower scale and with less impact and significance in Uganda than South Africa. The purpose of this paper is to discuss and determine the constitutional impact of strategic litigation in South Africa and Uganda. The paper begins with a conceptual context of strategic litigation. The specific reasons for the choice of the two countries are highlighted before focusing, in a comparative way, on some relevant organizations and the various court decisions that have emanated from strategic litigation in both countries. The paper identifies similarities and differences between Ugandan and South African approaches to strategic litigation. Conclusions are then made after highlighting the comparative lessons that both countries can learn from each other, but also what other African states can learn from these two countries’ experiences.


Author(s):  
Beverley Waugh ◽  
Rose Luke

As organisations find themselves in an increasingly dynamic and competitive world they are seeking new strategies to ensure their competitive advantage and profitability. Logistics presents an area in which these organisations can improve customer service and reduce costs, and strategies in support thereof such as the outsourcing of logistics activities, should be considered. However, it is critical that logistics outsourcing is done diligently to avoid potential problems for the organisation and to achieve the best possible benefits. In South Africa little research has been done regarding current outsourcing practices of local manufacturers. In this article literature on international logistics outsourcing as well as research on some of the logistics outsourcing practices of South African manufacturers is discussed. The findings of a questionnaire survey of South African manufacturers provided information on their logistics outsourcing practices and problems. Prominent issues seem to include inadequate managerial involvement in the logistics outsourcing process, as well as insufficient time spent on many of the important aspects of the outsourcing agreement, the transitioning of resources and ongoing management of the outsourced relationship. It is concluded that a thorough outsourcing process should be followed in order to achieve the benefits of logistics outsourcing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alys Young ◽  
Lorenzo Ferrarini ◽  
Andrew Irving ◽  
Claudine Storbeck ◽  
Robyn Swannack ◽  
...  

This article concerns deaf children and young people living in South Africa who are South African Sign Language users and who participated in an interdisciplinary research project using the medium of teaching film and photography with the goal of enhancing resilience. Specifically, this paper explores three questions that emerged from the deaf young people’s experience and involvement with the project: (i) What is disclosed about deaf young people’s worldmaking through the filmic and photographic modality? (ii) What specific impacts do deaf young people’s ontologically visual habitations of the world have on the production of their film/photographic works? (iii) How does deaf young people’s visual, embodied praxis through film and photography enable resilience? The presentation of findings and related theoretical discussion is organised around three key themes: (i) ‘writing’ into reality through photographic practice, (ii) filmmaking as embodied emotional praxis and (iii) enhancing resilience through visual methodologies. The discussion is interspersed with examples of the young people’s own work.


2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 99-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Marais ◽  
N. Armitage ◽  
S. Pithey

The recently completed report on “The removal of urban litter from stormwater conduits and streams” (by Armitage et al.) notes that little data is available on the nature and quantity of litter that finds its way into the stormwater drainage systems. The Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) estimated in 1991 that 780 000 tonnes of waste a year was entering the drainage systems of South Africa, representing a potential removal cost in excess of two billion rand. There is thus a considerable need for finding ways to reduce litter loadings through better catchment management. Although suggestions have been made as to how this might be achieved, there is very little scientifically verified data from anywhere in the world to show that any of these proposed methods would be effective in South Africa. Only through an improved knowledge of the litter loadings in South African urban drainage systems can appropriate strategies to reduce litter loadings be arrived at. This improved knowledge is one of the twin objectives of the Water Research Commission Project No. K5/1051 entitled “The reduction of urban litter in drainage systems through integrated catchment management.” Under this project a three-year monitoring programme has been instituted in nine catchments covering a range of different land uses, socio-economic levels and densities in the Cape Metropolitan Area. This paper focuses on the methodology behind the monitoring programme and the objectives it is hoped to achieve.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan A. Boesak

The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr, 50 years ago on 04 April 1968, has been recalled in the United States with memorial services, conferences, public discussions and books. In contrast, the commemoration in 2017 of the death of Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli, 50 years ago on December 1967, passed almost unremarked. That is to our detriment. Yet, these two Christian fighters for freedom, in different contexts, did not only have much in common, but they also left remarkably similar and equally inspiring legacies for South Africa, the United States and the world in the ways they lived their lives in complete faith commitment to ideals and ways of struggle that may guide us in the ongoing struggles to make the world a more just, peacable and humane place. For South African reflections on our ethical stance in the fierce, continuing struggles for justice, dignity and the authenticity of our democracy, I propose that these two leaders should be considered in tandem. We should learn from both. This article engages Martin Luther King Jr’s belief in the ‘inescapable network of mutuality’, applies it to the struggle for freedom in South Africa and explores the ways in which South Africans can embrace these ethical ideals in facing the challenges of post-liberation.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-262
Author(s):  
Lawrence G. Albrecht

Valparaiso University School of Law and the Christian Legal Society annually present a symposium on a critical public issue which is examined from a variety of perspectives. Between October 28-31, 1987, a major symposium was held entitled: “Perspectives on South African Liberation.” In the light of press and other media restrictions in effect since a state of emergency was declared in South Africa on June 12, 1986, and the banning of all political activity by 17 anti-apartheid organizations on February 24, 1988, it is crucial that the world community have access to current information and analysis concerning developments in that tragic land.The Pretoria regime has renewed the state of emergency for a third year following an unprecedented three-day nationwide protest strike on June 6-8 by more than two million black workers mobilized by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and other anti-apartheid groups to protest the recent bannings, a proposed restrictive labor bill, the continuation of apartheid and the regime's violence. These comments are written on June 16, the 12th anniversary of the Soweto student uprising (now commonly known as South African Youth Day) as several million black workers again defied the regime by staying away from work in honor of the hundred of blacks killed following the 1976 protests against apartheid education.


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