scholarly journals Strefa euro a nowe kraje członkowskie Unii Europejskiej - dywergencja czy konwergencja gospodarcza?

Author(s):  
Aldona Zawojska

Economic and Monetary Union is unique in that it combines centralised conduct of monetary policy by the European Central Bank (ECB) with national sovereignty over fiscal and other economic policies. Its main goals are providing greater macroeconomic stability and improving economic efficiency in the euro area. After implementation of the EU enlargement on l May 2004, the ten new EU member states now face the challenge of joining the Eurozone. Central and East European Countries (CEEC) differ significantly with regards to their economic performance. Of the eight countries in Central and Eastern Europe joined the EU, only Estonia and Lithuania currently meet all the Maastricht convergence criteria. EU membership gives the opportunity to catch up, but the actual economic outcomes depend on the quality of domestic policies.

Author(s):  
Engin I. Erdem

In the post-Single European Act period, debates around European identity have intensified, particularly in the context of EU enlargement. The EU’s move to being a supranational political entity in the past two decades has caused serious concerns in some sections of the elite and people across the EU member states. While French and Dutch rejections of the constitutional treaty set an important milestone, Turkey’s quest for the EU membership has complicated to a great extent controversies on European identity. The reviewed books here contribute to efforts to understand the extent to which European identity and Turkey’s bid for the EU membership has entangled. It is more likely to witness debates around both European identity and Turkey’s candidacy for the Union for many years to come; therefore, these books will more likely remain relevant for the academic and policy circles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Alena Dorakh

Despite recent concerns about the increasing influence of outside investors on the European Union (EU) and Western Balkans, the developed European countries are still a dominant source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region, confirming the benefits of EU membership. At the same time, fast-growing connectivity and lower trade costs in accession and neighboring countries determine the FDI growth from China, particularly via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). By applying panel data over 2000-2019 for 34 countries, which form 89% of all European FDI, we first examine FDI patterns around Europe, compare the EU, NMS, and Western Balkans; verify the importance of EU membership for FDI, caused reducing trade costs and improving connectivity. Thus, the new EU member states (NMS) and Western Balkans appear both as a home country and as a pre- entry destination to the EU. Then, we calculate trade costs indices for each selected country and partners over time and find that Europe and China are closely interconnected through trade and FDI. It means that stronger ties with China can be realized for the sample countries at the cost of easing relations with the EU. Finally, incorporating trade costs indices into the FDI model; we evaluate the impact of connectivity on FDI and estimate how BRI affected FDI in Europe. Additionally, we validate that the old framework of horizontal and vertical FDI not representative well and even new complex vertical or export-oriented FDI strategies are shifting today.


Author(s):  
Juan Fernando López Aguilar

Durante las legislaturas europeas 2009-2014 y 2014-2019 la UE viene asistiendo al desafío planteado por los alarmantes signos de deterioro y retroceso de la democracia en la UE. No por casualidad esta tendencia ha coincidido con la inmersión de la Unión en la peor crisis de su historia, que arrancó en 2008 y ha venido en llamarse la «Gran Recesión» de la UE o la «glaciación» europea. Hungría ha sido durante este período el caso más paradigmático de las derivas antidemocráticas -restricciones del pluralismo político e informativo, de la independencia judicial y de la jurisdicción del TC- experimentadas por países de la UE. Pero, recientemente, Polonia ha dado muestras de un deterioro igualmente preocupante. Con todo no se trata, desgraciadamente, de casos aislados sino una tendencia cada vez más generalizada que ha recibido, según los contextos, el nombre de «putinización» u «orbanización» de Estados miembros de la UE. El presente artículo hace un recuento de los deterioros constitucionales sufridos por esos dos países y de las iniciativas que desde la UE se han puesto en marcha para seguir y dar respuesta a esos procesos. El artículo hace hincapié en los rasgos «antiliberales» o «iliberales» que caracterizan dichas democracias, así como los inherentes al auge del nacionalismo y la intolerancia y los discursos del odio, y los pone en relación con otros procesos históricos de erosión democrática en Europa, incidiendo en la dialéctica democracia vs populismo. El artículo plantea, asimismo, los conflictos que se derivan del denominado «dilema de Copenhague» y del auge de la extrema derecha a lo largo y ancho de la UE y se detiene en algunos casos como el de las restricciones de derechos a los refugiados en Dinamarca o de los retrocesos habidos en los últimos años en derechos y libertades públicas en España. El artículo concluye que los deterioros descritos están vinculados a la «gran ampliación», que supuso la adhesión a la UE de los países del Este, con el telón de fondo de una crisis económica y financiera devenida, en poco tiempo, en crisis social y de valores como consecuencia de las políticas de austeridad impuestas por un manejo insatisfactorio de la propia crisis. Ello ha redundado en una impugnación de la propia idea de construcción europea desde diversos frentes ideológicos. El artículo se detiene, finalmente, en la respuesta europea a las mencionadas derivas a través de una reivindicación de sus valores fundantes y de una protección reforzada de los mismos mediante la implementación de nuevos mecanismos que velen por la calidad democrática y del Estado de derecho en la UE como complemento de los procedimientos judiciales de tutela de los derechos fundamentales comunes a las tradiciones constitucionales comunes de los Estados miembros.During the European legislatures 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 the EU has witnessed the challenge posed by the alarming signs of deterioration and decline of democracy in the EU. Not by chance this trend has coincided with the immersion of the Union in the worst crisis in its history that began in 2008 and has been called the «Great Recession» of the EU or the European «glaciation». Over this period Hungary has been the best example of democratic backsliding in the EU but Poland has shown an equally worrying deterioration lately. Yet these are not, unfortunately, isolated cases but there is rather an increasingly widespread trend in Europe that has received, depending on the context, the name «putinization» or «orbanization». The present article recounts the constitutional deterioration experienced by those two countries and the initiatives that have been launched from the EU to follow-up and contest those processes. The article emphasizes the «anti-liberal » or «iliberal» features that characterize these democracies as well as those marks inherent to the rise of nationalism and intolerance and puts them in relation to other historical processes of democratic erosion in Europe, focusing on the dialectic democracy vs populism. The article also exposes the conflicts stemming from the so-called «Copenhagen dilemma» and the rise of the extreme right across the EU and stops in some concrete cases such as the restrictions on the rights of refugees in Denmark or the limitations which have occurred in recent years in the field of civil liberties in Spain. The article concludes that this deterioration is linked to the «great enlargement», which involved the accession to the EU of the Eastern European countries against the backdrop of a relentless financial and economic crisis that rapidly became in a social crisis and a truly crisis of values as a result of the austerity policies imposed by an unsatisfactory handling of the crisis itself. This has resulted in a challenge to the very idea of European integration coming from different ideological fronts. The article finally stops on the European response to the democratic backsliding described before by reaffirming its fundamental values and by enhancing their protection by implementing new mechanisms to ensure that the quality of democracy and the rule of law in the EU is improved complementing the national systems of judicial protection of fundamental rights legal common to the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-517
Author(s):  
Kitty Stewart ◽  
Kerris Cooper ◽  
Isabel Shutes

While social policy falls predominantly under national rather than European Union (EU) jurisdiction, there are nonetheless multiple ways in which social policy and social outcomes in EU member states have been affected by EU membership. This paper draws on existing evidence and analysis to review the consequences for UK social policy of the decision to leave the EU. We focus predominantly on the implications of the British government’s pledge to ‘take back control’ of money, borders and laws. Our conclusion is that Brexit is likely to have negative effects on the quality of public services and, for some groups in particular, social rights, and that these effects are likely to be greater the more distant are the future trading and wider relationships between the UK and the EU27.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Spirova ◽  
Boyka Stefanova

The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Peter Antony Singleton

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assert the link between the process of EU accession, the consolidation of democratic processes and the improvement of economic and tourism infrastructure to incoming tourism flows. Design/methodology/approach The methodology of this paper involves explanation of an analysis exploring links between governmental systems and the order necessary for economic development and tourism. The argument is supported by the recent history of tourism development in three countries, two within the EU and one outside. Findings Accession to the EU (especially in the case of Eastern European countries) constitutes a way to emulate the democratic freedoms and greater economic prosperity of existing EU member states. Tourism is one of the areas of economy that benefits from the stability and growth EU membership can bring. Accession to the EU has had beneficial effects for acceding in terms of political stability and tourism growth. Originality/value The opportunities that EU membership can bring to tourism development for example (also strategies to exploit these opportunities) depend to a large degree on the international relations between the EU and its rivals. The extent to which tourism demands ebb and flow is governed by a range of factors, but the issues of conflict and security are game breakers. Understanding the factors and trends involved in the peaceful resolution of conflict (democratic model) or use of force to resolve conflict (military model) is key in the analysis of future tourism opportunities.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (17) ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Sojka

Demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership The purpose of the article is to analyse the demographic potential of the countries that have applied for the European Union membership against the background of the EU member states. The study involves eight candidate states: Croatia, Iceland, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Turkey, i.e. the countries that have been approved by the European Commission as official candidates for the EU membership, as well as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, i.e. the potential candidates. Albania and Serbia applied officially for the EU membership in 2009. Favourable population age structure and relatively high fertility rate that occur in these countries determine a significant demographic potential they can bring to the EU after their accession. Decrease in infant mortality rate and extension of life expectancy illustrate positive changes that have been taking place in these countries for the last several years.


Subject Instability in eastern EU. Significance The EU has long reinforced Central-East European (CEE) member states with regulations and constraints. As it became absorbed in the euro-crisis and the nationalist surge, these countries felt less constrained and freer to act. Consequently, short-term or incoherent policy goals and elite-driven illiberal agendas are impeding good governance, anti-corruption efforts and further democratisation in some of CEE; none are exempt from government instability and rising nationalism. Impacts Instability in CEE is likely to discourage bold decisions on EU enlargement to North Macedonia and Albania. Economic malaise will make CEE governments less choosy regarding Chinese investments. An increasingly disenchanted public will be even more susceptible to internal and Russian disinformation campaigns.


2010 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siniša Tomić ◽  
Anita Sučić ◽  
Adrijana Martinac

Good Manufacturing Practice: The Role of Local Manufacturers and Competent AuthoritiesIn every country, a manufacturer of medicinal products for either human or veterinary use is required to operate in compliance with local legislation. In all EU Member States, legislation is approximated to the effect that they are committed to abide by the same standards. The candidate countries transpose the acquis into their national legislation, including the good manufacturing practice (GMP). Consequently, the local manufacturer is required to strictly comply with GMP and the manufacturing licence, including for medicinal products exclusively intended for export. A vital role is also played by national regulatory authorities, in Croatia by the Agency for Medicinal Products and Medical Devices which issues the manufacturing licence, GMP certificate, and the Certificate of a Pharmaceutical Product (CPP) and conducts laboratory control of products. GMP inspection is carried out by the Pharmaceutical Inspectorate with the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. Both authorities are responsible only for human medicines. There are legislative issues not yet harmonised with the acquis, but as a country aspiring for the EU membership, Croatia is expected to demonstrate that its industry and competent authorities are able to conform to current requirements and thus fully adhere to the integrated European regulatory network. Hence the importance of strengthening the institutional capacity of the competent authorities, as insufficient resources may have a direct bearing on patients by limiting their access to affordable treatment.


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