scholarly journals Specificity of population trends in Vojvodina - the 2011 census

2014 ◽  
pp. 471-479
Author(s):  
Snezana Stojsin
Keyword(s):  
Population Decline ◽  
Steady Increase ◽  
World War ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
The North ◽  
Structure Of Population ◽  
Age Structure Of Population ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
The City ◽  
Mechanical Movement

According to the 2011 Census, Vojvodina has the population of 1,931,809 which is by 100,183 less than in 2002. Vojvodina has fewer inhabitants today than in 1971. This decrease in number of inhabitants, according to the latest census, occurred in all municipalities except in the City of Novi Sad, where the population annually increased by 4,703. The main objective of this paper was to analyze the movement of population between two censuses, focusing on the specifics of population movements in certain areas of Vojvodina. First of all, the area of the North Banat should be pointed out because there the population has been steadily declining since 1961. On the other hand, the South Backa area records a steady increase in population in the period from the World War Two to the present, mainly due to the mechanical movement or immigration to the center of this area - the City of Novi Sad. In addition to the population decline, the population of Vojvodina is characterized by higher average age. The last census showed that the population of all municipalities was, on average, older than 40, except in the municipality of Zabalj (39.7) and the City of Novi Sad (40.0). Analysis of the data has shown that the trend of the population decline in Vojvodina, caused by very high mortality rates and low birth rates, continues and that the age structure of population is becoming less favorable.

The Temple of Zeus at Cyrene

1958 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 30-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. G. Goodchild ◽  
J. M. Reynolds ◽  
C. J. Herington
Keyword(s):  
North African ◽  
World War ◽  
Detailed Report ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City ◽  
The Temple

Cyrene's largest religious building, the great Temple of Zeus on the north-eastern hill of the city, has been the subject of several explorations. Its cella was partially dug out by Smith and Porcher in 1861, and was completely cleared of soil by the late Giacomo Guidi in 1926, in the excavation which brought to light the famous head of Zeus, pieced together from over a hundred fragments. Then, in the years 1939–1942, fuller work was carried out by Dr. Gennaro Pesce, who published a detailed report with admirable promptness. Despite the interruptions caused by the North African campaigns of the World War, Pesce was able to clear the greater part of the Temple and its fallen peristasis. At the conclusion of his work only the opisthodomos remained unexcavated, although much fallen stone still encumbered the pronaos and the eastern portico.

The Commonwealth Labour Party in Northern Ireland, 1942–7

1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (93) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. S. Walker
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The North ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
The First World War ◽  
British Labour ◽  
The City ◽  
First World

The Commonwealth Labour Party (Northern Ireland), hereafter referred to as the C.L.P., came into existence on 19 December 1942. Its birth was the result of a split in the ranks of the Northern Ireland Labour Party (N.I.L.P.). This split centred on the personality and the political outlook of the man who had led the N.I.L.P since 1932, and who was to be leader of the C.L.P during its five-year lifespan: Harry Midgley.Midgley (1892-1957) was, by the time of the formation of the C.L.P., one of the best-known and most controversial politicians in Northern Ireland. Born into a working-class protestant home in north Belfast, he acquired an early political education as a youth through the medium of the Independent Labour Party organisation in the city. He was close, at least initially, to William Walker, the most outstanding labour leader produced by the north of Ireland during the early troubled years of the labour movement. In addition, he met and listened to some of the most eminent spokesmen of British labour, most notably Keir Hardie. Midgley served his time as a joiner in the Workman Clark shipyard (where his father was a labourer) before spending a brief period in America in 1913 and 1914. After serving in the Ulster division in the First World War, he returned to Belfast in 1919 and quickly got himself a job as a trade-union organiser with the Linenlappers’ Union.

scholarly journals Sanatoria in the first half of the XX century in the province of Vojvodina

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusanka Dobanovacki ◽  
Milan Breberina ◽  
Bozica Vujosevic ◽  
Marija Pecanac ◽  
Nenad Zakula ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
The City

Following the shift in therapy of tuberculosis in the mid-19th century, by the beginning of the 20th century numerous tuberculosis sanatoria were established in Western Europe. Being an institutional novelty in the medical practice, sanatoria spread within the first 20 years of the 20th century to Central and Eastern Europe, including the southern region of the Panonian plain, the present-day Province of Vojvodina in Serbia north of the rivers Sava and Danube. The health policy and regulations of the newly built state - the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia, provided a rather liberal framework for introducing the concept of sanatorium. Soon after the World War I there were 14 sanatoria in this region, and the period of their expansion was between 1920 and 1939 when at least 27 sanatoria were founded, more than half of the total number of 46 sanatoria in the whole state in that period. However, only two of these were for pulmonary diseases. One of them was privately owned the open public sanatorium the English-Yugoslav Hospital for Paediatric Osteo-Articular Tuberculosis in Sremska Kamenica, and the other was state-run (at Iriski venac, on the Fruska Gora mountain, as a unit of the Department for Lung Disease of the Main Regional Hospital). All the others were actually small private specialized hospitals in 6 towns (Novi Sad, Subotica, Sombor, Vrbas, Vrsac, Pancevo,) providing medical treatment of well-off, mostly gynaecological and surgical patients. The majority of sanatoria founded in the period 1920-1939 were in or close to the city of Novi Sad, the administrative headquarters of the province (the Danube Banovina at that time) with a growing population. A total of 10 sanatoria were open in the city of Novi Sad, with cumulative bed capacity varying from 60 to 130. None of these worked in newly built buildings, but in private houses adapted for medical purpose in accordance with legal requirements. The decline of sanatoria in Vojvodina began with the very outbreak of the World War II and they never regained their social role. Soon after the Hungarian fascist occupation the majority of owners/ founders were terrorized and forced to close their sanatoria, some of them to leave country and some were even killed or deported to concentration camps.

scholarly journals Those Who Left and Those Who Arrived

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
Francesca Rolandi
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
World War ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
Final Destination ◽  
Good Living ◽  
The City ◽  
Second World ◽  
Insight Into

In the years after the Second World War, the city of Rijeka found itself caught in the middle of various migratory trajectories. The departure of locals who self-identified as Italians and opted for Italian citizenship occurred simultaneously with other population movements that drained the city of inhabitants and brought in newcomers. Many locals defected and traveled to Italy, which was either their final destination or a country they transited through before being resettled elsewhere. Furthermore, after the war ended, workers from other Yugoslav areas started arriving in the city. A flourishing economy proved capable of attracting migrants with promises of good living standards; however, political reasons also motivated many to move to this Adriatic city. The latter was the case for former economic emigrants who decided to return to join the new socialist homeland and for Italian workers who symbolically sided with the socialist Yugoslavia. Rijeka was not simply a destination for many migrants—it was also a springboard for individuals from all over the Yugoslav Federation to reach the Western Bloc. This article argues that examining these intertwining patterns together rather than separately offers new insight into the challenges the city experienced during its postwar transition.

scholarly journals Aging of the population of the Republic of Serbia and Belgrade through the prism of the relation of the age structure of the population and the age structure of household members

2010 ◽  
pp. 221-227
Author(s):  
Radmila Vicentijevic
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Old Age ◽  
Age Structure ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Structure Of Population ◽  
Age Structure Of Population ◽  
Household Members ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Average Size ◽  
The City

The most important age structure represents an age structure of population. The results of census which was held on territory of the Republic of Serbia show that the Republic of Serbia is considered to be among the countries with the oldest population. In the last fifty year's time there was registered a constant decrease in number of young people, and constant increase in number of old people. During the period of the 80s, a number of young people from 0-14 years old was twice larger than the number of people older than 65, on the republic and the city of Belgrade's level, in the last census held in 2002 for the first time there was noticed a higher amount of people older than 65 related to population in an age from 0-14. An average old age of people in the Republic has grown from 35.8 to 40.3, and in Belgrade, which was always considered as a city of youth, it is noticed an increase in average old age from 34.9 to 40.4 years of age. Index of aging increased from 0.51 in the Republic of Serbia, 0.41 in Belgrade, to 1.01 or 1.07. In the Republic of Serbia and the city of Belgrade, for more than 50 years, the average size of household became smaller for more than one member, a number of single man households has increased for 5.5%, and participation of some old age groups in a structure of household members in a specific way shows a difficult demographic situation in Serbia and the city of Belgrade. Almost 83% of households in Central Serbia don't have even one pre-school child, and among households which have children at the age of 7, one child households form the majority. In the same period the number of households with members older than 65 has increased, so households like this in 2002 formed about 39%. Out of 435491 households in Serbia, every fifth household is named as OLD AGE HOUSEHOLD and SINGLE MAN HOUSEHOLD. .

Black Migration, White Flight

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah Platt Boustan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Highway Construction ◽  
White Flight ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Black Migration ◽  
The North ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This chapter presents new causal evidence on the relationship between black arrivals to cities and white departures, a trend referred to as “white flight.” The simultaneity of black in-migration from the South and white relocation to the suburbs, both of which peaked from 1940 to 1970, suggests that the two population flows may be related. This chapter uses variation in the timing of black in-migration to the seventy largest cities in the North and West to distinguish white flight from other causes of suburbanization. It argues that while white suburbanization was primarily motivated by economic forces, including rising incomes, new highway construction, and the falling cost of credit in the decades after World War II, white departures from the city were also, in part, a reaction to black in-migration.

scholarly journals Doświadczenia Suwałk z pierwszej i drugiej wojny światowej

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Halina Łach
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
District Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Western Side ◽  
The City ◽  
East Prussia ◽  
Second World

Before the First and Second World Wars, Suwałki was situated in the extreme northern border area. Due to their geographic location, they experienced the dramatic effects of both wars. Before the outbreak of World War I, it was the capital of the Suwałki’s Governorate in the northern part of the Kingdom of Poland under Russian rule. The area of the Governorate was delimited in the west by the Russian-Prussian border. After the end of the war and Poland’s independence regaining, Suwałki became part of the Second Polish Republic. They became the seat of the Suwałki’s District Office of the lying within the Białystok voivodeship in the north of the country. The district bordered on German East Prussia in the west, and with Lithuania in the north and east. The city located near the Prussian border was of great military importance. In the event of a war with the German Empire, the Suwałki’s Governorate was treated by the Russians as a protection zone from the western side and as a foreground for the concentration of troops and an attack deep into East Prussia. In the Second Polish Republic, the Suwałki Region was a buffer zone between Lithuania and German East Prussia. It also created the conditions for planning a flanking attack on one or the other enemy. Both world wars left their mark on the everyday life of the city and its inhabitants. After the Russians were forced out, Suwałki and the Suwałki Region found themselves under German occupation. The occupiers exploited the area and population economically until the end of the war. However, during the Second World War, the Suwałki Region was incorporated into the German Reich and from the first days the Germans started to exterminate the population physically.

Building the Entertainment Machine: Charles L. Mee's Time to Burn and the Performance of Postindustrial Decay in Chicago

2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-217
Author(s):  
Aaron Krall
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Real Estate ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
New Economy ◽  
Real Estate Finance ◽  
World War ◽  
Factory Workers ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
The North ◽  
The City

During his first mayoral campaign in January 1989, Richard M. Daley insisted that “Everybody talks about bringing manufacturing back. There aren't going to be any more soap factories on Clybourn Avenue[.] … The city is changing. You're not going to bring manufacturing back.” Although this was a controversial statement at the time and Mayor Daley later embraced promanufacturing policies, it reflected an awareness of a fundamental economic shift in Chicago. By the late 1980s, the city had lost over half of its post–World War II manufacturing jobs, and companies were continuing to leave the city for more space, lower taxes, and a less expensive labor force. In fact, only months after Daley's comments, Procter & Gamble announced that it would close its fifty-nine-year-old soap plant at 1232 West North Avenue on the North Branch of the Chicago River, eliminating 275 manufacturing jobs in the process. Deindustrialization was under way, causing anxiety for politicians and pain for factory workers, but a new economy that was focused on real estate, finance, and culture was emerging in Chicago.

scholarly journals Analysis Of Invasive Flora In Cemetery Territories Of The City Of Daugavpils

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 344
Author(s):  
Santa Rutkovska ◽  
Irēna Pučka ◽  
Ingūna Novicka
Keyword(s):  
Alien Species ◽  
Invasive Plant ◽  
Invasive Alien Species ◽  
Ornamental Plants ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
Invasive Flora ◽  
Scale Field ◽  
Structure Of Population ◽  
Age Structure Of Population ◽  
The City

Alien species are reaching different areas, including also cemeteries. Inventory of invasive flora of cemeteries of the city of Daugavpils actually is the first such type of work to such level of detail on the Latvian scale. Field studies were conducted in 10 cemeteries of the city of Daugavpils. The obtained results are indicative of a comparatively high proportion of invasive plant species in the cemeteries. 49 invasive alien species were found. In the cemetery areas these are spreading mainly from greeneries, but there are also such taxa, which have accidentally reached the cemeteries. The most frequent plant in the Daugavpils cemeteries is Spiraea chamaedryfolia. Taking into account the trends of migration, sex-age structure of population, climate change, availability of exotic and new ornamental plants, it is most likely that the number of invasive species will grow in the future.

scholarly journals Etnotopografia Nowego Sadu – o dziedzictwie narodów osiedlających się w Nowym Sadzie

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kwoka
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Yugoslav Wars ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
The City ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

The article is an attempt to catalogue the most interesting traces of the presence of nations which were part of the Novi Sad community throughout the ages. From the very beginning of its existence, Novi Sad was a meeting place for different ethnic and cultural groups settling down in the city. Serbs from the surrounding countryside moved to the oldest districts of Novi Sad, Podbara, Salajka, and Rotkvarija, at the beginning of the 18th century. At the same period nations from different parts of the Habsburg Empire, such as Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and Ruthenians brought by Habsburgs to colonize Vojvodina, moved to the city. It was the time of continuous development of Novi Sad, which became an important trading and manufacturing centre, where businesses were also run by the Jews, Armenians, Aromanians (Tzintzars), and the Greeks. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the strengthening of presence of the Hungarian community, which ended with the First World War. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918), the ethnic structure changed seriously with the influx of Serbs from the southern regions of the country. This trend was followed after the Second World War and most recently during the period of the so-called Yugoslav wars at the Nineties. In the meantime, under dramatic circumstances of the second World War, German and Jewish inhabitants vanished from the city.

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