Turnus and Hotspur: The Political Adversary in the "Aeneid" and "Henry IV"

Phoenix ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Mueller
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Political Adversary

Imperial Power

2020 ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Alessio Fiore
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Total Change ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Full Control ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
The Moment

Chapter 2 looks at imperial policies in Italy of Henry III, Henry IV, and Henry V, discussing especially their impact on the political make-up of the countryside. The focus is on how emperors attempted to keep control of their Italian resources and infrastructures (palaces and fiscal patrimony) as opposed to the vicissitudes of the ideological and propaganda struggle with the pope which has received more attention in historiography. Henry IV, in particular, adopted an aggressive policy towards his Italian opponents such as Adelaide of Torino and Matilda of Canossa, refusing to recognize the heirs of the former and deposing the latter. The result in both cases was the destruction of the coherence of two vast regional principalities. The author makes the important point that at first the emperors were not hostile to new emerging city communes and granted them rights in return for support and assistance (though later emperors, most notably Frederick I, would have a total change of mind in this regard). The author sees the moment in which cities began to take full control of the affairs seeing it as occurring during the reign of Henry V (1111–25) rather than in 1140–50, as usually believed.

The Siege of La Rochelle

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Dumas
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Henry Iv

The siege of La Rochelle was one of the greatest events of the reign of Louis XIII. The political views of the cardinal, when he undertook the siege, were extensive. Of the important cities which had been given by Henry IV. to the Huguenots, as...

scholarly journals Diplomatie en informatie

1970 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Laura Mesotten
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Philip Ii ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Henry Iv

This contribution focuses on the peace of Vervins and the process of gathering informationduring the peace negotiations which hitherto has been neglected. The peace conferenceof Vervins took place in 1598 between Spain (Philip II) and France (Henry IV). Athird significant party was Archduke Albert of Austria in whose name the Habsburg diplomatswere sent. This Habsburg delegation consisted out of three diplomats: Jean Richardot,Jean-Baptiste de Tassis and Lodewijk Verreycken. During the conference, the diplomatshad to inform Albrecht about every development and collect further intelligenceabout the political situation in France. Although the accumulation of information and thecommunication process were confronted with certain problems, the method of the diplomatsin Vervins indicates the professionalization of diplomacy.

scholarly journals British Intellectuals and the British Government: Junius vs Grafton Administration (1768–1770)

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-59
Author(s):  
Т.С. Сидоркина
Keyword(s):  
Figurative Language ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Adversary

В статье рассматривается процесс развертывания борьбы известного анонимного публициста Юниуса с администрацией герцога Графтона с ноября 1768 года по январь 1770. Издатель журнала “The Public Advertiser”, в котором печатались письма Юниуса, в 1772 году опубликовал их и ответы некоторых оппонентов анонимного автора в сборнике “Stat Nominis Umbra”, оставив широкое поле для исследований будущим поколениям историков. «Письма Юниуса» до сих пор не переведены на русский язык. Это объясняется, с одной стороны, трудностями интерпретации иносказательности текста, с другой — сложностью исторического контекста, связанного с ситуацией политического кризиса в Британии на рубеже 60–70-х годов XVIII века. В статье на основании текста писем Юниуса реконструирован персональный состав кабинета герцога Графтона, обстоятельства прихода его к власти, а также показана слабость правительства в решении двух принципиально важных вопросов этого периода — дело Уилкса и кризис в английских североамериканских колониях. Кульминацией карьеры Юниуса является письмо XXXV, в котором анонимный автор посмел обратиться к самому Георгу III и попытаться навязать ему свои советы. После этого в январе 1770 года герцог Графтон подает в отставку, оставив тем самым в победителях своего главного политического соперника. The article focuses on the confrontation between an anonymous publicist known to the general public as Junius and the Duke of Grafton, the prime minister of the United Kingdom. The confrontation started in November 1768 and finished in 1770. The anonymous writer Junius contributed his public letters to the Public Advertiser, a London newspaper which later, in 1772, published the letters and some answers of Junius’ opponents in the Letters of Junius: Stat Nominis Umbra. The book, which contains valuable historical information, remains untranslated into Russian. Its allegorical and figurative language makes the book highly difficult to translate. Moreover, it is exceptionally difficult to render in translation the intricacies of the historical background, namely of the political crisis Britain was involved in at the turn of the 1760s–1770s. The article analyzes the letters of Junius to reconstruct the cabinet composition and the circumstances of the Duke of Grafton’s rise to power. The analysis shows that the Grafton ministry failed to solve two crucial problems of the time, namely the Wilkes case and the crisis in Britain’s North American colonies. The turning point in Junius’ career was his letter XXXV, in which he addressed the prime minister himself and sought to impose his advice on the 3rdDuke of Grafton. After that in January 1770, the Duke of Grafton resigned from his post recognizing defeat from his major political adversary.

scholarly journals Stratégies de désignation dans le discours politique catholique et protestant pendant les guerres de religion : le tournant décisif de la conversion d’Henri IV (1593)

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sophie Yvert-Hamon
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Referential Expressions ◽  
The One

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies of designation in the political discourse of Huguenots on the one hand, and Ultra-Catholics on the other hand, during the period preceding and following the conversion of Henry IV (1593). Using Discourse Analysis as a theoretical and methodological framework, this study focuses on how the different actors (parties, the King) are presented in these discourses. The corpus is composed of two texts, both published in 1593. The first one is by the Duke of Mayenne, leader of the Catholic League, and aims to reunify all Catholics within the kingdom in order to annihilate Protestantism. It is written before the conversion of Henry IV to Catholicism and expresses the frustration of Ultra-Catholics at having a protestant king. The second text is by Philippe Duplessis-Mornay on behalf of the Huguenots’ political assemblies. It is a letter addressed to King Henry IV just after his conversion to Catholicism in 1593. This letter expresses the frustration of Huguenots as their protector converted to Catholicism. Analyzing the use of referential expressions according to the constructivist conception of the reference developed by Apothéloz and Reichler-Béguelin (1995), this study considers the referents as discourse-objects and the talking subject as acting on these objects. The study is qualitative and examines the different functions (argumentative, social, polyphonic) of the categorizations and recategorizations in order to underscore the discursive strategies of the authors. This paper argues that there are similarities in the way the different actors are presented in the two texts but that the perspective is essentially religious in the text by the Catholic League whereas the perspective is more political in the text by the Huguenots.  

scholarly journals The Influence of the Writings of Sir John Fortescue

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 77-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline A. J. Skeel
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Important Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
Chief Justice ◽  
Wars Of The Roses ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Henry Vi

To trace the influence of writings is a task in which full attainment is impossible. Yet the attempt is worth making, especially when the writer under consideration was in some sort a pioneer, the first to write a constitutional treatise in the English language, and likewise the first, in all probability, to write a legal treatise for the benefit of English laymen. Few English lawyers can have had so varied a career as that of Sir John Fortescue. Born some time between 1390 and 1400, he lived to see the ‘unquiet time’ of Henry IV, the ‘victorious acts’ of Henry V, and the ‘troublous season’ of Henry VI, which ended in the overthrow of the Lancastrian dynasty, and the apparently firm establishment of the Yorkist line. In early manhood he became a serjeant-at-law; in 1442 he was made Chief Justice of the King's Bench; in 1443 he was sent on various special commissions; in the critical year 1450 he acted as spokesman of the Judges in relation to the trial of Suffolk, and four years later he delivered the Judges' opinion on the important case of Thorpe. During the early stages of the Wars of the Roses Fortescue was actively engaged in various extra-judicial duties; in 1461 he was present at the battle of Towton, and a few months later he fought against Edward IV at Ryton and Brancepeth. Between 1461 and 1463 he wrote the ‘De Natura Legis Naturae’ and various tracts on the succession question, and in 1463 he accompanied Queen Margaret and her son into exile in Flanders and France, where he remained till 1471. During his sojourn abroad he wrote the ‘De Laudibus Legum Angliae,’ and drew up memoranda on the political situation and a programme for the restored Lancastrian government. Fortescue took a prominent part in the conclusion of the agreement between Margaret and Warwick in 1470, and accompanied the queen and her son to England, landing at Weymouth on the very day of Warwick's overthrow and death at Barnet. Less than a month later he was taken prisoner at Tewkesbury, and Prince Edward was slain; before long Henry VI also died, and there was nothing before the loyal Lancastrian but to accept the clemency of the conqueror, Edward IV. His pardon passed the Great Seal, he was made a member of the King's Council, and before very long he obtained (1473) the reversal of his attainder and the restoration of his estates at the price—hard for a lawyer to pay—of refuting in writing the arguments he had formerly adduced against Edward's title. An interesting reference to this treatise is made by Coke.

The loss of legitimacy and the politics of commodity dissected

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Personal Virtue ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
King John

This chapter argues that the attachment to a version of the Essexian and Stuart loyalist projects imputed to both King John and Richard II continued to animate the Henry IV plays and Henry V, which returned to the question of how, through the political and personal virtue and prowess of particular human agents, a polity plunged into the moral and political chaos of commodity politic might be returned to legitimate monarchical rule. They did so, through both a chronological continuation of the events staged in Richard II and a reworking of themes and tropes, questions and, indeed, answers, central to King John. In particular the central problematic addressed by these plays, and allegedly resolved in the persona of Hal/Henry, involved the ways in which the politics of honour, of martial virtue and prowess, could be combined both with the politics of popularity and of monarchical legitimacy.

“A Wrong Whom Conscience and Kindred Bid Me to Right:” A Reassessment of Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, and the Usurpation of Henry IV

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
Douglas Biggs
Keyword(s):  
David Hume ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Natural Philosopher ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Historical Figure ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
The Face ◽  
Total Failure

Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, Duke of York. Just the mention of the name for most historians conjures the image of an historical figure with all the moral fortitude and intelligence of Rowan Atkinson's Black Adder. The fourth surviving son of Edward III, born too late to join in the glorious campaigns of his father, young Edmund became a pawn in the futile games of Plantagenet martial diplomacy. After his father's death, all of Edmund's incursions into the political arena resulted in total failure. Abroad, Earl Edmund's “monumental stupidity” in Portugal tore asunder John of Gaunt's grand strategy to acquire the throne of Castile. At home, Edmund of Langley's “lazy and indifferent” support of Richard II during the appeal of treason against the Duke of Ireland and a number of the young king's other favorites ensured the success of Thomas of Woodstock and the appellants. Though Edmund served as custodian of the realm during Richard's Irish campaign of 1394 and presided over Parliament the following year, such high office overmatched the Duke of York's abilities. Duke Edmund's “fatuous” vacillation in the face of Henry of Lancaster throughout the summer of 1399 cost Richard his throne. As the noted historian and natural philosopher David Hume observed, “The Duke of York was left as guardian of the realm; a place to which his birth entitled him, but which both his slender abilities, and his natural connections with the Duke of Lancaster, rendered him utterly incapable of filling in such a dangerous emergency.” Edmund of Langley's choice to “remain as neuter” in response to Henry of Bolingbroke, along with his treacherous submission to Duke Henry, allowed him and his family to survive the usurpation unscathed. But the new king could find no use for a man who possessed such titanic infidelity, and Henry quickly cast the loathsome York from council and government. Though York lived on until 1402 he remained on the periphery of the Lancastrian establishment. Even Duke Edmund's death attracted little notice, being, as-it-were, only a footnote to his colorless, uninspiring existence.

Jean de Serres and the politics of religious pacification, 1594–8

1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
W. B. Patterson
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Church Courts ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Church ◽  
Established Church

Like most other rulers of his time, king Henry IV of France wished to see a single religion practised within his realm. But in the late sixteenth century, as is well known, the state of France was such as to make this objective singularly difficult to achieve. The protestants, of whom Henry had been until his accession the political leader, were a sturdy minority, with a well-developed system of church courts for the definition of doctrine and the administration of discipline. The catholics, who adhered to the centuries-old established church of the kingdom, had no doubt become much more aware of their own religious heritage by the thirty years of civil and ecclesiastical strife they had had to endure. Henry himself, who announced his second conversion to catholicism in the summer of 1593, was never able to shed a certain aura of denominational ambivalence; he himself said, in a famous anecdote, that his own religion was one of the mysteries of Europe. Yet some measure of religious pacification and conciliation was clearly essential for France in the 1590s, both for the health of the country and for the security of the man who was her sovereign ruler. And under the circumstances existing in France, new initiatives and fresh ideas were needed. As an english historian observed, some years ago, for Henry to be accepted by the french as their ‘Most Christian King and eldest son of the Church, a new definition of Church and Christian would be required.’

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