“A Wrong Whom Conscience and Kindred Bid Me to Right:” A Reassessment of Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, and the Usurpation of Henry IV

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
Douglas Biggs
Keyword(s):  
David Hume ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Natural Philosopher ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Historical Figure ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
The Face ◽  
Total Failure

Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, Duke of York. Just the mention of the name for most historians conjures the image of an historical figure with all the moral fortitude and intelligence of Rowan Atkinson's Black Adder. The fourth surviving son of Edward III, born too late to join in the glorious campaigns of his father, young Edmund became a pawn in the futile games of Plantagenet martial diplomacy. After his father's death, all of Edmund's incursions into the political arena resulted in total failure. Abroad, Earl Edmund's “monumental stupidity” in Portugal tore asunder John of Gaunt's grand strategy to acquire the throne of Castile. At home, Edmund of Langley's “lazy and indifferent” support of Richard II during the appeal of treason against the Duke of Ireland and a number of the young king's other favorites ensured the success of Thomas of Woodstock and the appellants. Though Edmund served as custodian of the realm during Richard's Irish campaign of 1394 and presided over Parliament the following year, such high office overmatched the Duke of York's abilities. Duke Edmund's “fatuous” vacillation in the face of Henry of Lancaster throughout the summer of 1399 cost Richard his throne. As the noted historian and natural philosopher David Hume observed, “The Duke of York was left as guardian of the realm; a place to which his birth entitled him, but which both his slender abilities, and his natural connections with the Duke of Lancaster, rendered him utterly incapable of filling in such a dangerous emergency.” Edmund of Langley's choice to “remain as neuter” in response to Henry of Bolingbroke, along with his treacherous submission to Duke Henry, allowed him and his family to survive the usurpation unscathed. But the new king could find no use for a man who possessed such titanic infidelity, and Henry quickly cast the loathsome York from council and government. Though York lived on until 1402 he remained on the periphery of the Lancastrian establishment. Even Duke Edmund's death attracted little notice, being, as-it-were, only a footnote to his colorless, uninspiring existence.

Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

Africa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-547
Author(s):  
Roger Southall
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Black Middle Class ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
National Union ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.

scholarly journals Towards freedom and social awareness: Hopeful narratives and performatives in American theatre and literature

Ars Aeterna ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Ivan Lacko
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
American Art ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
American Theatre ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
American Society ◽  
The Aesthetic

Abstract The paper addresses the complexity of social issues in contemporary American society through the prism of its reflection in theatre and literature. The characteristic features of American narratives and performatives are freedom and an almost utopian belief in diversity and social understanding. At the same time, the discussed works present a comprehensive look at social issues using a great variety of forms and genres, and appealing to the aesthetic sensitivity of different groups of recipients. In the face of future problems in the political arena, American art offers an interesting transatlantic perspective on the complexity of 21st-century issues which are relevant all over the world.

scholarly journals The Treason Legislation of Henry VIII (1531–1534): Alexander Prize Essay, 1916

1917 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 87-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. D. Thornley
Keyword(s):  
Henry Viii ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Long Life ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Emergency Measures ◽  
Prize Essay

All legislation is to some extent the product of circumstance, and none more so than the numerous Acts which have from time to time augmented or reduced the law governing high treason. The basis of that law has been since 1352 the famous Act of 25 Edward III, stat. 5, c. 2, and this Act itself was moulded by the circumstances under which it was passed. Edward III was at the height of his power and popularity, so that in defining treason it was only necessary to include offences likely to be committed against a popular king reigning by an undisputed title. This accounts both for what the Act contains and what it omits, and is the reason for that sufficiency in quiet times which has preserved it for over five centuries. It accounts also for its inadequacy in crises and disturbances, and the need to supplement it under such kings as Richard II and Henry VIII. New treasons are thus emergency measures to enable the Government to cope with particular situations; when the troublous times are over, they and the offences with which they deal disappear naturally with the circumstances which provoked them, and the Act of 1352 once more reigns supreme. When considering the causes of its long life, it must be remembered that Treason Acts fall into two classes: those augmenting and those diminishing the scope of the offence. The Act of 1352 belongs to the latter class. It was passed to bridle the judges in the creation of constructive treasons—a process which had alarmed Parliament—and, unlike all other Acts of its class, it did not follow a revolution or period of crisis, as the Act of I Henry IV, c. 10, followed the reign of Richard II; 1 Edward VI, c. 12, that of Henry VIII; and 1 Mary, c. I, that of Edward VI.

scholarly journals Richard the Redeless

1896 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 121-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. H. D. Holton
Keyword(s):  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
History Of ◽  
Corrupt Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
At Home

The reign of Richard II. is a landmark in the political and constitutional history of England, and in the history of her church and people. At home it was an era of corrupt party politics which led to the crisis of 1399; abroad, there was a lull in the great French war; and already the victories of Edward III. and the Black Prince had initiated the course of events which were to make England an insular power, and her government a limited monarchy. Social and religious discontent joined hands in Wat Tyler's revolt, when the causes of Labour and Nonconformity made their first loud claim to the right of existence in England. In the following pages, however, we are concerned less with the history of the reign as a whole, than with the interesting personality of the boy-King. King and kingdom were closely bound up with one another in the Plantagenet epoch; and the unequal and ill-regulated character of Richard II. has left no uncertain impress upon the events of his reign. And here the historical student is brought face to face with the unsatisfactory condition of the original authorities. The whole reign abounds in political mysteries, and the figure of the young King is shrouded in obscurity.

The Other Side of Peronist Argentina: Radicals and Socialists in the Political Opposition to Perón (1946–1955)

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA GARCÍA SEBASTIANI
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Figure

The political life of Argentina between 1946 and 1955 cannot be defined exclusively by the emergence and consolidation of Peronism, but was also shaped by the actions, ideas and conflicts of opposition to it. The evolution of the Radical and Socialist parties during those years was marked both by their respective internal discrepancies and by the dynamics of confrontation with the government. In the face of Perón's emergence as a political figure, Radicals and Socialists revitalised inter-party agreements that had been tried and tested in previous years. The Radicals, their internal disagreements notwithstanding, were to become the main representatives of anti-Peronism their oppositional roles changing as the institutional spaces for conflict and engagement with Peronism developed. Meanwhile, the Socialists lost political and representational weight, despite their desperate attempts to maintain themselves as an option within the political arena. When the rules of political competition changed in Peronism's favour, Radicals and Socialists became convinced of the legitimacy of challenging the constitutional order in an attempt to increase the political representation of anti-Peronism.

scholarly journals Nonverbal Communication of Candidates in Regional Head Election of West Java Region 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Abie Besman ◽  
Andika Vinianto Adiputra ◽  
Sandi Jaya Saputra
Keyword(s):  
Nonverbal Communication ◽  
Verbal Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Research ◽  
Semiotic Analysis ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
West Java ◽  
Cultural Codes ◽  
Communication Games ◽  
The Face

The face of politics in Indonesia is enlivened by the hustle and bustle of non-verbal communication games as part of political discourse. Also through non-verbal communication, politicians mobilize all potential to strengthen the message and political meaning. West Java is one of the regions that will hold the Simultaneous Local Election in 2018. Non-verbal communication is certain to be present as a form of imaging and voice pulling by the candidates who will fight in the West Java regional election. This study defines the meaning behind nonverbal communication displayed by candidates in West Java. This research analyzes various forms of nonverbal communication, visual cultural codes, and refers to the design of visual communication texts. The purpose of this study is to identify nonverbal communication skills of regional head candidates, to identify interpretations of political constituents on nonverbal communication presented by regional head candidates, to identify the KPU's rules and understanding as regulators in interpreting nonverbal communication presented by candidate pairs of regional heads in 4 the location of the 2018 West Java Regional Election. The method used is semiotic analysis of Roland Barthes is to dismantle denotations, connotations and myths by showing every aspect of the symbol that is raised. The conclusions in the nonverbal communication research that are most appropriate in the contestation of the election of the Governor and Deputy Governor of West Java 2018 are the most natural communication and represent the pockets of voters while negating who they are in the political arena of the 2018 West Java Election.

scholarly journals The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract”

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Abbink
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Federal Policies ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face

Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.

scholarly journals War Games: Staging the Histories in an American Presidential Year

Linguaculture ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-68
Author(s):  
Kath Bradley
Keyword(s):  
Richard Ii ◽  
Richard Iii ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Political Concern ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Political Statement ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
Artistic Director ◽  
Selection Of

Abstract This paper examines the ways in which the seldom performed collaborative play, Edward III, was re-contextualised by Barbara Gaines, Artistic Director of the Shakespeare Theater of Chicago, in order to create a specifically presentist piece of theatre making a forceful political statement during the 2016 US presidential election. Edward III formed the opening section of a trilogy entitled Tug of War: Foreign Fire, which continued with Henry V, and Henry VI Part I. The second trilogy, Tug of War: Civil Strife, comprised the remaining two parts of Henry VI and Richard III. The paper will address the rationale behind the selection of these specific plays, and why it was felt unnecessary to fill the historical lacuna created by the exclusion of Richard II and Henry IV Parts I and II. In addition, it will also examine the limitations inherent in the available archival material when researching an ephemeral theatrical event, particularly one which has been edited and directed in order to address issues of immediate political concern. Selected extracts from my own review of the first of these two trilogies will seek to offer a more detailed response than is possible for journalistic reviewers and to provide sufficient background to prove of benefit for future researchers.

The loss of legitimacy and the politics of commodity dissected

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Personal Virtue ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
King John

This chapter argues that the attachment to a version of the Essexian and Stuart loyalist projects imputed to both King John and Richard II continued to animate the Henry IV plays and Henry V, which returned to the question of how, through the political and personal virtue and prowess of particular human agents, a polity plunged into the moral and political chaos of commodity politic might be returned to legitimate monarchical rule. They did so, through both a chronological continuation of the events staged in Richard II and a reworking of themes and tropes, questions and, indeed, answers, central to King John. In particular the central problematic addressed by these plays, and allegedly resolved in the persona of Hal/Henry, involved the ways in which the politics of honour, of martial virtue and prowess, could be combined both with the politics of popularity and of monarchical legitimacy.

Parliament and ‘Bastard Feudalism’

1944 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 53-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. B. McFarlane
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
The Political ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
The Third ◽  
Opposite Pole ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Edward Iii ◽  
The Commons

‘Edward I’, said Stubbs, ‘had made his parliament the concentration of the three estates of his people; under Edward II, Edward III, and Richard II, the third estate claimed and won its place as the foremost of the three.’ While the resounding emphasis is Stubbs's own—his common sense was of the kind called robust—the sentiment expressed was then and for long afterwards the traditional one. It is only of late years that opinion has swung to the opposite pole and maintained with an equal want of compromise the absolute insignificance of the commons in the political struggles of the later middle ages. The first open challenge to tradition came, I think, from Professor J. E. Neale in 1924. Mainly concerned to trace the growth of free speech in parliament under the Tudors, he found himself confronted with a medieval background to his subject which seemed to him at variance with the course of its later development. The prologue, as it were, anticipated too much of his play. In a bold attempt to refashion it, he outlined a theory which did not at first attract much attention from medievalists, but which has recently, thanks to Mr. H. G. Richardson, begun to enjoy a considerable vogue among them.

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