Imperialism and Dependency in Latin America: A View of the New Reality of Multinational Investment

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Martin Moore

The fundamental reality of Latin America during the 1970s will be the efforts of governments to reduce their countries' dependence on the developed world and thereby increase their autonomy within the international system. A salient aspect of this effort is and will be a redefinition of the role multinational corporations play in Latin American societies. Foreign investment will continue to play an important part in the economic life of the region, but the acceptable characteristics and behaviors of multinational corporations will differ substantially from those which were prevalent in the 1950s and 1960s.The rationale for a restructuring of the relationship of Latin American economies with the system of international trade and investment is found in the writings of “dependence theorists” such as Theotonio Dos Santos (1970) and Osvaldo Sunkel (1972). In a sense, their approach can be seen as a development of the Prebisch thesis of the 1950s, which held that Latin American economies were being systematically diverted from attaining their true potential through the workings of the international trade mechanism.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Esteban Torres ◽  
Carina Borrastero

This article analyzes how the research on the relation between capitalism and the state in Latin America has developed from the 1950s up to the present. It starts from the premise that knowledge of this relation in sociology and other social sciences in Latin America has been taking shape through the disputes that have opposed three intellectual standpoints: autonomist, denialist, and North-centric. It analyzes how these standpoints envision the relationship between economy and politics and how they conceptualize three regionally and globally growing trends: the concentration of power, social inequality, and environmental depletion. It concludes with a series of challenges aimed at restoring the theoretical and political potency of the autonomist program in Latin American sociology.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Yakov Shemyakin

The article substantiates the thesis that modern Native American cultures of Latin America reveal all the main features of "borderland" as a special state of the socio-cultural system (the dominant of diversity while preserving the unity sui generis, embodied in the very process of interaction of heterogeneous traditions, structuring linguistic reality in accordance with this dominant, the predominance of localism in the framework of the relationship between the universal and local dimensions of the life of Latin American societies, the key role of archaism in the system of interaction with the heritage of the 1st "axial time», first of all, with Christianity, and with the realities of the "second axial time" - the era of modernization. The author concludes that modern Indian cultures are isomorphic in their structure to the "borderline" Latin American civilization, considered as a "coalition of cultures" (K. Levi-Strauss), which differ significantly from each other, but are united at the deepest level by an extremely contradictory relationship of its participants.


Dragonomics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 93-129
Author(s):  
Carol Wise

This chapter undertakes a cross-regional comparison of the developmental paths of China and the Latin American countries of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Peru (LAC 5). It traces the economic histories and policies implemented within the LAC-5 from the 1950s until the 1980s before turning to China to do the same from the 1980s onward. The author argues that the contrasting underlying logic between the Washington Consensus and the Beijing Consensus can explain the widely divergent outcomes in the development of Latin America and China.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-253
Author(s):  
Oleg N. Zhilkin ◽  
Wilmer Paul Chavarry Galvez

The article discusses issues of international trade theory and current global economic trends to assess the possibility of developing the foreign economic sector in Latin America as a whole, and in particular, Peru. Using development statistics from the foreign trade sector, and considering global trends in international trade over the past decade, an attempt is made to assess the ability of Latin American countries to meet growing differentiated demand and thus specialize in advantageous sectors, allowing them to integrate into global supply chains by providing resources, goods, and services at primary, secondary, and tertiary market levels. By examining the potential of Latin American countries, there is a real possibility of creating value chains around market niches that exist in global trade and applying them to ensure that Latin American products receive international recognition. In this context, the analysis of the dynamics of trade exchange is taken as a basis for comparing Peru with other countries, since according to the IMF, in recent years, Peru is one of the countries with the highest economic growth forecast in Latin America. Peru has great potential in mining (in Ankash, Arequipa and Junin, among other places), commercial fishing (Ankash, Liberty, Piura and others), agriculture (Piura, Liberty, Ica and others), camelid breeding (vicuña, alpaca, etc., in Puno, Junin, Cuzco) and other activities. In 2018, Peru managed to raise total exports up to $47.7 billion USD (+7.5% from 2017), thus achieving a historic record for Peruvian exports. This growth is explained by noticeable growth in the non-traditional sector, which reached $13.2 billion (+12.6% from 2017). The present study uses the theory of comparative advantage to quantify product competitiveness based on global comparison, which helps indicate how to move towards higher levels of specialization in the production and export structure. To analyze international trade data, we used indicators such as the Balance of Trade and the Balassa Index, which allowed us to determine a list of thirty products, of which twenty (traditional and non-traditional) showed a steady increase in exports, and the other ten, mainly non-traditional, despite being lower in ranking, have greater potential for further growth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony R. Cummings ◽  
Nakul Markandey ◽  
Hannah Das ◽  
Celina Arredondo ◽  
Aaran Wehenkel ◽  
...  

As the rate of crime decelerates in the developed world, the opposite phenomenon is being observed in the developing world, including Latin America and the Caribbean. Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean has been concentrated in urban settings, but the expertise for studying crime and providing guidance on policing remain heavily rooted in the developed world. A hindrance to studying crime in the developing world is the difficulty in obtaining official data, allowing for generalizations on where crime is concentrated to persist. This paper tackles two challenges facing crime analysis in the developing world: the availability of data and an examination of whether crime is concentrated in urban settings. We utilized newspaper archival data to study the spatial distribution of crime in Guyana, South America, across the landscape, and in relation to rural indigenous villages. Three spatial analysis tools, hotspot analysis, mean center, and standard deviation ellipse were used to examine the changing distribution of crime across 20 years. Based on 3900 reports of violent crime, our analyses suggest that the center of the gravity of crime changed over the years, spilling over to indigenous peoples’ landscapes. An examination of murder, where firearms and bladed weapons were the weapons of choice, suggests that these weapons moved beyond the coastal zone. The movement of weapons away from the coast raises concerns for the security of indigenous peoples and their associated wildlife. Our analysis suggests that policing measures should seek to extend towards Amerindian landscapes, and this is perhaps indicative of Latin American states with demographics similar to Guyana’s.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Desposato ◽  
Barbara Norrander

While a substantial literature explores gender differences in participation in the United States, Commonwealth countries and Western Europe, little attention has been given to gender’s impact on participation in the developing world. These countries have diverse experiences with gender politics: some have been leaders in suffrage reforms and equal rights, while, in others, divorce has only recently been legalized. This article examines the relationship between gender and participation in seventeen Latin American countries. Many core results from research in the developed world hold in Latin America as well. Surprisingly, however, there is no evidence that economic development provides an impetus for more equal levels of participation. Instead, the most important contextual factors are civil liberties and women’s presence among the visible political elite.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. p473
Author(s):  
Van R. Wood (PhD) ◽  
Frank Franzak (PhD) ◽  
Dennis A. Pitta (PhD)

Economic development requires a complex mix of markets, financial resources, and expertise. Business development in Latin America has followed a tradition of natural resource exploitation, representing a classic example of the “old economy” in today’s global marketplace. However, in order to reap significant economic and social advancements it is imperative that this emerging region embrace a value-added approach requiring increasing knowledge resources. Today, the traditional drives of wealth creation—land, labor and capital—tend to be commodities. Ideas are the now the main currency driving development. One area where ideas flourish is entrepreneurship embedded in small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). It is here where great promise for introducing innovation and boosting competitiveness lies. This paper, based on these notions, presents a development model that integrate—1) expertise from government agencies charged with enhancing international trade and investment (AITIs), 2) public institutions of higher education (PIHEs) charged with educating the next generation of globally competitive business leaders and 3) small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs) seeking real growth in the globalized business environment leading to a “win-win” situation for all. More specifically, the authors introduce one such model—VITAL (Vibrant International Trade Alliances), and—1) overview the realities of globalization that have created unprecedented SME opportunities for emerging markets, such as those in Latin America, 2) review the importance of entrepreneurship in moving SMEs to the next level of wealth creation, 3) present an example of the model currently utilized in a globally engaged U.S state (Virginia) that has fostered SME and entrepreneurial enterprises in global markets, 4) explains how the model can apply to Latin American nations and also to partnerships between Latin American nations and their U.S. counterparts, and 5) provides managerial, policy and future research implications related to this “boundary spanning” way of thinking.


2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (306) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca ◽  
Ivan Colangelo Salomão

<p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The second half of the 1950s saw a conflict between Raúl Prebisch —the Executive Secretary of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)— and Celso Furtado, who was one of the most respected economists in the institution. The conflict is little explored in the literature and, somehow, it has become taboo within the institution itself, since it motivated Furtado’s abandonment of ECLAC in 1957. By investigating two official documents they prepared to subsidize the Argentinian and the Mexican governments, the current study highlights the main differences regarding anti-inflation and external insertion policies and, taking a broader view, the role played by the State in leading the development process.</p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center">FURTADO VS. PREBISCH: UNA CONTROVERSIA LATINOAMERICANA</p><p align="center"><strong>RESUMEN</strong></p>En la segunda mitad de la década de 1950 se registró un conflicto entre Raúl Prebisch, el Secretario Ejecutivo de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), y Celso Furtado, uno de los economistas más respetados de la institución. El conflicto está poco explorado en la literatura y se ha convertido en un tabú dentro de la propia institución, ya que motivó el abandono de la CEPAL por parte de Furtado en 1957. Al investigar dos documentos oficiales que ellos prepararon para subsidiar a los gobiernos de Argentina y México, el presente artículo destaca las principales diferencias respecto a las políticas de combate a la inflación y de inserción externa y, a partir de una visión más amplia, el papel desempeñado por el Estado en la conducción del proceso de desarrollo.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (03) ◽  
pp. 523-548 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Casals

AbstractDrawing on minutes, publications, diplomatic documents and the written press, I explore the transnational networks of the Chilean right wing within Latin America in the 1950s, especially around the four Congresses against Soviet Intervention in Latin America held in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, Lima and Antigua between 1954 and 1958. I argue that the Chilean right wing's participation in those networks alongside other Latin American like-minded actors was based on both its long local experience in fighting communism and its attachment to Cold War anti-communism. In these transnational spaces, some Chilean right-wingers gained recognition and prestige, as was the case with the conservative leader Sergio Fernández Larraín, largely thanks to his systematic denunciation of supposed Soviet penetration in the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR), then the ruling party in Bolivia.


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